Friday, November 7, 2025

A01992 - Dick Cheney, The 46th Vice President of the United States

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Dick Cheney
Official portrait of Dick Cheney as Secretary of Defense
Official portrait, 2003
46th Vice President of the United States
In office
January 20, 2001 – January 20, 2009
PresidentGeorge W. Bush
Preceded byAl Gore
Succeeded byJoe Biden
17th United States Secretary of Defense
In office
March 21, 1989 – January 20, 1993
PresidentGeorge H. W. Bush
DeputyDonald J. Atwood Jr.
Preceded byFrank Carlucci
Succeeded byLes Aspin
Member of the U.S. House of Representatives
from Wyoming's at-large district
In office
January 3, 1979 – March 20, 1989
Preceded byTeno Roncalio
Succeeded byCraig L. Thomas
House positions
7th White House Chief of Staff
In office
November 21, 1975 – January 20, 1977
PresidentGerald Ford
Preceded byDonald Rumsfeld
Succeeded byHamilton Jordan (1979)
White House Deputy Chief of Staff
In office
December 18, 1974 – November 21, 1975
PresidentGerald Ford
Preceded byPosition established
Succeeded byLandon Butler
Personal details
BornRichard Bruce Cheney
January 30, 1941
DiedNovember 3, 2025 (aged 84)
Political partyRepublican
Spouse
 
(m. 1964)
Children
Education
SignatureCursive signature in ink

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Dick Cheney (born January 30, 1941, Lincoln, Nebraska, U.S.—died November 3, 2025) was the 46th vice president of the United States (2001–09) in the Republican administration of Pres. George W. Bush and secretary of defense (1989–93) in the administration of Pres. George H.W. Bush. As vice president, Cheney wielded immense power and was incredibly polarizing.

Education and family

Cheney was the son of Richard Herbert Cheney, a soil-conservation agent, and Marjorie Lauraine Dickey Cheney. He was born in Nebraska and grew up in CasperWyoming. He entered Yale University in 1959 but failed to graduate. Cheney earned bachelor’s (1965) and master’s (1966) degrees in political science from the University of Wyoming and was a doctoral candidate at the University of Wisconsin.

On August 29, 1964, he married Lynne Vincent. While Cheney worked as an aid to Wisconsin Gov. Warren Knowles, his wife received a doctorate in British literature from the University of Wisconsin. She later served as chair of the National Endowment for the Humanities (NEH; 1986–93), where she was criticized by liberals for undermining the agency and by conservatives for opposing the closure of a controversial NEH-funded exhibit by photographer Robert Mapplethorpe in Cincinnati, Ohio. The couple had two daughters, Elizabeth and Mary.

Government posts: White House chief of staff and U.S. representative

In 1968 Cheney moved to Washington, D.C., to serve as a congressional fellow, and, beginning in 1969, he worked in the administration of Pres. Richard Nixon. After leaving government service briefly in 1973, he became a deputy assistant to Pres. Gerald Ford in 1974 and his chief of staff from 1975 to 1977. In 1978 he was elected from Wyoming to the first of six terms in the United States House of Representatives, where he rose to become the Republican whip. In the House, Cheney took conservative positions on abortion, gun control, and environmental regulation, among other issues. In 1978 he suffered the first of several mild heart attacks, and he underwent quadruple-bypass surgery in 1988.

From 1989 to 1993 he served as secretary of defense in the administration of Pres. George Bush, presiding over reductions in the military following the breakup of the Soviet Union. Cheney also oversaw the U.S. military invasion of Panama and the participation of U.S. forces in the Persian Gulf War. After President Bush lost his reelection bid in 1992, Cheney became a fellow at the American Enterprise Institute, a conservative think tank. In 1995 he became the chairman and chief executive officer of the Halliburton Company, a supplier of technology and services to the oil and gas industries.

Vice president

After George W. Bush’s primary victories secured his nomination for the presidency of the United States, Cheney was appointed to head Bush’s vice presidential search committee. Few expected that Cheney himself would eventually become the Republican vice presidential candidate. Two weeks after election day, Cheney suffered another mild heart attack, though he quickly resumed his duties as leader of Bush’s presidential transition team.

As vice president, Cheney was active and used his influence to help shape the administration’s energy policy and foreign policy in the Middle East. He played a central, controversial role in conveying intelligence reports that Saddam Hussein of Iraq had developed weapons of mass destruction (WMDs) in violation of resolutions passed by the United Nations—reports used by the Bush administration to initiate the Iraq War. However, Iraq had no WMDs that could be found. Following the collapse of Saddam’s regime, Cheney’s former company, Halliburton, secured lucrative reconstruction contracts from the U.S. government, raising the spectre of favoritism and possible wrongdoing—allegations that damaged Cheney’s public reputation. Critics, who had long charged Cheney with being a secretive public servant, included members of Congress who brought suit against him for not disclosing records used to form the national energy policy.

Quick Facts
In full:
 
Richard Bruce Cheney
Born:
 
January 30, 1941, LincolnNebraskaU.S.
Died:
 
November 3, 2025 (aged 84)
Political Affiliation:
 
Republican Party

Later life

After leaving office in 2009, Cheney remained in the public eye, often speaking on political matters. In 2010 he suffered his fifth heart attack. Two years later he had a heart transplant. His autobiography, In My Time: A Personal and Political Memoir (cowritten with his daughter Liz Cheney), was published in 2011. Cheney also wrote, with his heart surgeon, Heart: An American Medical Odyssey (2013) and, with Liz CheneyExceptional: Why the World Needs a Powerful America (2015).

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Richard Bruce Cheney[a] (January 30, 1941 – November 3, 2025) was an American politician and businessman who served as the 46th vice president of the United States from 2001 to 2009 under President George W. BushHis tenure is often called the most powerful vice presidency in American history, with many pundits and historians noting that he was the first vice president to be more powerful than the presidents they served under.[4][5] A member of the Republican Party, Cheney previously served as White House chief of staff for President Gerald Ford, the U.S. representative for Wyoming's at-large congressional district from 1979 to 1989, and as the 17th United States secretary of defense in the administration of President George H. W. Bush. He was also considered by many to be the architect of the Iraq War.[6]

Born and raised in Lincoln, Nebraska, Cheney later lived in Casper, Wyoming.[7] He attended Yale University before earning a Bachelor of Arts and Master of Arts in political science from the University of Wyoming. He began his political career as an intern for Congressman William A. Steiger, eventually working his way into the White House during the Nixon and Ford administrations. He served as White House chief of staff from 1975 to 1977. In 1978, he was elected to the U.S. House of Representatives, and represented Wyoming's at-large congressional district from 1979 to 1989, briefly serving as House minority whip in 1989. He was appointed Secretary of Defense during the presidency of George H. W. Bush, and held the position for most of Bush's term from 1989 to 1993.[8] As secretary, he oversaw Operation Just Cause in 1989 and Operation Desert Storm in 1991. While out of office during the Clinton administration, he was the chairman and CEO of Halliburton from 1995 to 2000.

In July 2000, Cheney was chosen by presumptive Republican presidential nominee George W. Bush as his running mate in the 2000 presidential election. They defeated their Democratic opponents, incumbent vice president Al Gore and senator Joe Lieberman. In 2004, Cheney was reelected to his second term as vice president with Bush as president, defeating their Democratic opponents Senators John Kerry and John Edwards. During Cheney's tenure as vice president, he played a leading behind-the-scenes role in the Bush administration's response to the September 11 attacks and coordination of the Global War on Terrorism. He was an early proponent of the decision to invade Iraq, falsely alleging that the Saddam Hussein regime possessed weapons of mass destruction and had an operational relationship with Al-Qaeda; however, neither allegation was ever substantiated. He also pressured the intelligence community to provide intelligence consistent with the administration's rationales for invading Iraq. Cheney was often criticized for the Bush administration's policies regarding the campaign against terrorism, for his support of wiretapping by the National Security Agency (NSA), and for his endorsement of the U.S.'s "enhanced interrogationtorture program.[9][10][11][12]

He publicly disagreed with President Bush's position against same-sex marriage in 2004,[13] but also said it was "appropriately a matter for the states to decide".[14] Cheney ended his vice presidential tenure as a deeply unpopular figure in American politics with an approval rating of 13 percent.[15] His peak approval rating in the wake of the September 11 attacks was 68 percent.[16] After leaving the vice presidency, Cheney became critical of modern Republican leadership, including Donald Trump, and endorsed Trump's challenger in 2024, Democrat Kamala Harris.[17] Cheney died on November 3, 2025,[18][19] from complications related to pneumonia and vascular disease.[20]

Early life and education

Richard Bruce Cheney was born on January 30, 1941, in Lincoln, Nebraska, the son of Marjorie Lorraine (née Dickey) and Richard Herbert Cheney.[19] He was of predominantly English, as well as WelshIrish, and French Huguenot ancestry. His father was a soil conservation agent for the U.S. Department of Agriculture and his mother was a softball star in the 1930s;[21] Cheney was one of three children. He attended Calvert Elementary School[22][23] before his family moved to Casper, Wyoming,[24] where he attended Natrona County High School.[25][26]

He attended Yale University, but by his own account had problems adjusting to the college, and dropped out.[27][28] Among the influential teachers from his days in New Haven was H. Bradford Westerfield, whom Cheney repeatedly credited with having helped to shape his approach to foreign policy.[29] He later attended the University of Wyoming, where he earned both a Bachelor of Arts and a Master of Arts in political science. He subsequently started, but did not finish, doctoral studies in political science at the University of Wisconsin–Madison.[30]

In November 1962, at the age of 21, Cheney was convicted of driving while intoxicated (DWI). He was arrested for DWI again the following year.[31] Cheney said that the arrests made him "think about where I was and where I was headed. I was headed down a bad road if I continued on that course."[32]

In 1964, he married Lynne Vincent, his high school sweetheart.[33]

When Cheney became eligible for the draft, during the Vietnam War, he applied for and received five draft deferments. In 1989, The Washington Post writer George C. Wilson interviewed Cheney as the next secretary of defense; when asked about his deferments, Cheney reportedly said, "I had other priorities in the '60s than military service."[34] Cheney testified during his confirmation hearings in 1989 that he received deferments to finish a college career that lasted six years rather than four, owing to sub-par academic performance and the need to work to pay for his education. Upon graduation, Cheney was eligible for the draft, but at the time, the Selective Service System was not inducting married men.[35] On October 26, 1965, the draft was expanded to include married men without children; Cheney's first daughter, Elizabeth, was born 9 months and two days later.[36][35] Cheney's fifth and final deferment granted him "3-A" status, a "hardship" deferment available to men with dependents. On January 30, 1967, Cheney turned 26 and was no longer eligible for the draft.[36]

In 1966, Cheney dropped out of the doctoral program at the University of Wisconsin to work as staff aide for Governor Warren Knowles.[37]

In 1968 Cheney was awarded an American Political Science Association congressional fellowship and moved to Washington, D.C.[37]

Early career

White House Chief of Staff Cheney, 1976

Cheney's political career began in 1969, as an intern for Congressman William A. Steiger during the Richard Nixon Administration. He then joined the staff of Donald Rumsfeld, who was then Director of the Office of Economic Opportunity from 1969 to 1970.[31] He held several positions in the years that followed: White House Staff Assistant in 1971, Assistant Director of the Cost of Living Council from 1971 to 1973, and Deputy Assistant to the president from 1974 to 1975. As deputy assistant, Cheney suggested several options in a memo to Rumsfeld, including use of the U.S. Justice Department, that the Ford administration could use to limit damage from an article, published by The New York Times, in which investigative reporter Seymour Hersh reported that U.S. Navy submarines had tapped into Soviet undersea communications as part of a highly classified program, Operation Ivy Bells.[38][39]

White House chief of staff

Cheney was Assistant to the President and White House deputy chief of staff under Gerald Ford from December, 1974 to November, 1975.[40][41][42] When Rumsfeld was named Secretary of Defense, Cheney became White House chief of staff, succeeding Rumsfeld.[31] He later was campaign manager for Ford's 1976 presidential campaign.[43]

U.S. House of Representatives (1979–1989)

Representative Cheney in 1984

Elections

In 1978, Cheney was elected to represent Wyoming in the U.S. House of Representatives and succeeded retiring Democratic Congressman Teno Roncalio, having defeated his Democratic opponent, Bill Bagley. Cheney was re-elected five times, serving until 1989.[44]

Tenure

Leadership

In 1987, he was elected Chairman of the House Republican Conference. The following year, he was elected House minority whip.[45] He served for two and a half months before he was appointed Secretary of Defense instead of former U.S. senator John G. Tower, whose nomination had been rejected by the U.S. Senate in March 1989.[46]

Votes

Cheney meets with President Ronald Reagan, July 1983

Cheney voted against the creation of the U.S. Department of Education, citing his concern over budget deficits and expansion of the federal government, and claiming that the department was an encroachment on states' rights.[47] He voted against funding Head Start, but reversed his position in 2000.[48]

Cheney initially opposed establishing a national holiday in honor of Martin Luther King Jr. in 1978, but supported creation of Martin Luther King Jr. Day five years later, in 1983.[49]

Cheney supported Bob Michel's (R-IL) bid to become Republican Minority Leader.[50] In April 1980, Cheney endorsed Governor Ronald Reagan for president, becoming one of Reagan's earliest supporters.[51]

In 1986, after President Reagan vetoed the Comprehensive Anti-Apartheid Act, a bill set to impose economic sanctions on South Africa for its policy of apartheid, Cheney was one of 83 Representatives to vote against overriding Reagan's veto.[52] In later years, he articulated his opposition to unilateral sanctions against many different countries, stating "they almost never work"[53] and that in that case they might have ended up hurting the people instead.[54]

In 1986, Cheney, along with 145 Republicans and 31 Democrats, voted against a non-binding Congressional resolution calling on the South African government to release Nelson Mandela from prison, after the Democrats defeated proposed amendments that would have required Mandela to renounce violence sponsored by the African National Congress (ANC) and requiring it to oust the communist faction from its leadership; the resolution was defeated. Appearing on CNN, Cheney addressed criticism for this, saying he opposed the resolution because the ANC "at the time was viewed as a terrorist organization and had a number of interests that were fundamentally inimical to the United States."[55]

Committee assignments

Originally declining, U.S. congressman Barber Conable persuaded Cheney to join the moderate Republican Wednesday Group in order to move up the leadership ranks. He was elected Chairman of the Republican Policy Committee from 1981 to 1987. Cheney was the Ranking Member of the Select Committee to investigate the Iran-Contra Affair.[31][56][57] He promoted Wyoming's petroleum and coal businesses as well.[58]

Secretary of Defense (1989–1993)

Secretary of Defense Dick Cheney, 1989–1993

President George H. W. Bush nominated Cheney for the office of Secretary of Defense immediately after the U.S. Senate failed to confirm John Tower for that position.[59] The senate confirmed Cheney by a vote of 92 to 0[59] and he served in that office from March 1989 to January 1993. He directed the United States invasion of Panama and Operation Desert Storm in the Middle East. In 1991, he was awarded the Presidential Medal of Freedom by Bush.[45][37] Later that year, he received the U.S. senator John Heinz Award for Greatest Public Service by an Elected or Appointed Official, an award given out annually by Jefferson Awards.[60]

Cheney said that his time at the Pentagon was the most rewarding period of his public service career, calling it "the one that stands out."[61] In 2014, Cheney recounted that when he met with President Bush to accept the offer, he passed a painting in the private residence entitled The Peacemakers, which depicted President Lincoln, General Grant, and William Tecumseh Sherman. "My great-grandfather had served under William Tecumseh Sherman throughout the war," Cheney said, "and it occurred to me as I was in the room as I walked in to talk to the President about becoming Secretary of Defense, I wondered what he would have thought that his great-grandson would someday be in the White House with the President talking about taking over the reins of the U.S. military."[62]

Early tenure

Cheney worked closely with Pete WilliamsAssistant Secretary of Defense for Public Affairs, and Paul WolfowitzUnder Secretary of Defense for Policy, from the beginning of his tenure. He focused primarily on external matters, and left most of the internal DoD management to Deputy Secretary of Defense Donald Atwood.[46]

Budgetary practices

Secretary Cheney with President George H. W. Bush, 1991

Cheney's most immediate issue as Secretary of Defense was the Department of Defense budget. Cheney deemed it appropriate to cut the budget and downsize the military, following the Reagan Administration's peacetime defense buildup at the height of the Cold War.[63] As part of the fiscal year 1990 budget, Cheney assessed the requests from each of the branches of the armed services for such expensive programs as the Avenger II Naval attack aircraft, the B-2 stealth bomber, the V-22 Osprey tilt-wing helicopter, the Aegis destroyer, and the MX missile, totaling approximately $4.5 billion in light of changed world politics.[46] Cheney opposed the V-22 program, for which Congress had already appropriated funds, and initially refused to issue contracts for it before relenting.[64] When the 1990 Budget came before Congress in the summer of 1989, it settled on a figure between the Administration's request and the House Armed Services Committee's recommendation.[46]

In subsequent years under Cheney, the proposed and adopted budgets followed patterns similar to that of 1990. Early in 1991, he unveiled a plan to reduce military strength by the mid-1990s to 1.6 million, compared with 2.2 million when he entered office. Cheney's 1993 defense budget was reduced from 1992, omitting programs that Congress had directed the Department of Defense to buy weapons that it did not want, and omitting unrequested reserve forces.[46]

Over his four years as Secretary of Defense, Cheney downsized the military and his budgets showed negative real growth, despite pressures to acquire weapon systems advocated by Congress. The Department of Defense's total obligational authority in current dollars declined from $291 billion to $270 billion. Total military personnel strength decreased by 19 percent, from about 2.2 million in 1989 to about 1.8 million in 1993.[46] Notwithstanding the overall reduction in military spending, Cheney directed the development of a Pentagon plan to ensure U.S. military dominance in the post-Cold War era.[65]

Political climate and agenda

Secretary of Defense Cheney delivering a speech before the launch of destroyer USS Arleigh Burke

Cheney publicly expressed concern that nations such as IraqIran, and North Korea, could acquire nuclear components after the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991. The end of the Cold War, the fall of the Soviet Union, and the disintegration of the Warsaw Pact obliged the first Bush Administration to reevaluate the North Atlantic Treaty Organization's (NATO's) purpose and makeup. Cheney believed that NATO should remain the foundation of European security relationships and that it would remain important to the United States in the long term; he urged the alliance to lend more assistance to the new democracies in Eastern Europe.[46]

Cheney's views on NATO reflected his skepticism about prospects for peaceful social development in the former Eastern Bloc countries, where he saw a high potential for political uncertainty and instability. He felt that the Bush Administration was too optimistic in supporting General Secretary of the CPSU Mikhail Gorbachev and his successor, Russian President Boris Yeltsin.[46] Cheney not only wanted the break-up of the USSR but also of Russia itself.[66] Cheney worked to maintain strong ties between the United States and its European allies.[67]

Cheney persuaded the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia to allow bases for U.S. ground troops and war planes in the nation. This was an important element of the success of the Gulf War, as well as a lightning-rod for Islamists, such as Osama bin Laden, who opposed having non-Muslim armies near their holy sites.[68]

International situations

Using economic sanctions and political pressure, the United States mounted a campaign to drive Panamanian ruler General Manuel Antonio Noriega from power after he fell from favor.[46] In May 1989, after Guillermo Endara had been duly elected President of Panama, Noriega nullified the election outcome, drawing intensified pressure. In October, Noriega suppressed a military coup, but in December, after soldiers of the Panamanian army killed a U.S. serviceman, the United States invasion of Panama began under Cheney's direction. The stated reason for the invasion was to seize Noriega to face drug charges in the United States, protect U.S. lives and property, and restore Panamanian civil liberties.[69] Although the mission was controversial,[70] U.S. forces achieved control of Panama and Endara assumed the presidency; Noriega was convicted and imprisoned on racketeering and drug trafficking charges in April 1992.[71]

In 1991, the Somali Civil War drew the world's attention. In August 1992, the United States began to provide humanitarian assistance, primarily food, through a military airlift. At President Bush's direction, Cheney dispatched the first of 26,000 U.S. troops to Somalia as part of the Unified Task Force (UNITAF), designed to provide security and food relief.[46] Cheney's successors as Secretary of Defense, Les Aspin and William J. Perry, had to contend with both the Bosnian and Somali issues.[72]

Iraqi invasion of Kuwait

On August 1, 1990, Iraqi President Saddam Hussein sent the invading Iraqi forces into neighboring Kuwait, a small petroleum-rich state long claimed by Iraq as part of its territory. This invasion sparked the initiation of the Persian Gulf War and it brought worldwide condemnation.[73] An estimated 140,000 Iraqi troops quickly took control of Kuwait City and moved on to the Saudi Arabia/Kuwait border.[46] The United States had already begun to develop contingency plans for the defense of Saudi Arabia by the U.S. Central Command, headed by General Norman Schwarzkopf, because of its important petroleum reserves.[74][75]

U.S. and world reaction
Cheney meets with Prince Sultan, Minister of Defence and Aviation in Saudi Arabia to discuss how to handle the invasion of Kuwait, December 1, 1990

Cheney and Schwarzkopf oversaw planning for what would become a full-scale U.S. military operation. According to General Colin Powell, Cheney "had become a glutton for information, with an appetite we could barely satisfy. He spent hours in the National Military Command Center peppering my staff with questions."[46]

Shortly after the Iraqi invasion, Cheney made the first of several visits to Saudi Arabia where King Fahd requested U.S. military assistance. The United Nations took action as well, passing a series of resolutions condemning Iraq's invasion of Kuwait; the UN Security Council authorized "all means necessary" to eject Iraq from Kuwait, and demanded that the country withdraw its forces by January 15, 1991.[73] By then, the United States had a force of about 500,000 stationed in Saudi Arabia and the Persian Gulf. Other nations, including Britain, Canada, France, Italy, Syria, and Egypt, contributed troops, and other allies, most notably Germany and Japan, agreed to provide financial support for the coalition effort, named Operation Desert Shield.[46]

On January 12, 1991, Congress authorized Bush to use military force to enforce Iraq's compliance with UN resolutions on Kuwait.[73]

Military action
Bush meets with Robert Gates, General Colin Powell, Secretary Cheney, and others about the situation in the Persian Gulf and Operation Desert Shield, January 15, 1991

The first phase of Operation Desert Storm, which began on January 17, 1991, was an air offensive to secure air superiority and attack Iraqi forces, targeting key Iraqi command and control centers, including the cities of Baghdad and Basra. Cheney turned most other Department of Defense matters over to Deputy Secretary Donald J. Atwood Jr. and briefed Congress during the air and ground phases of the war.[46] He flew with Powell to the region to review and finalize the ground war plans.[73]

After an air offensive of more than five weeks, Coalition forces launched the ground war on February 24. Within 100 hours, Iraqi forces had been routed from Kuwait and Schwarzkopf reported that the basic objective – expelling Iraqi forces from Kuwait – had been met on February 27.[76] After consultation with Cheney and other members of his national security team, Bush declared a suspension of hostilities.[73] On working with this national security team, Cheney said, "there have been five Republican presidents since Eisenhower. I worked for four of them and worked closely with a fifth – the Reagan years when I was part of the House leadership. The best national security team I ever saw was that one. The least friction, the most cooperation, the highest degree of trust among the principals, especially."[77]

Aftermath

A total of 147 U.S. military personnel died in combat, and another 236 died as a result of accidents or other causes.[46][76] Iraq agreed to a formal truce on March 3, and a permanent cease-fire on April 6. There was subsequent debate about whether Coalition forces should have driven as far as Baghdad to oust Saddam Hussein from power. Bush agreed that the decision to end the ground war when they did was correct, but the debate persisted as Hussein remained in power and rebuilt his military forces.[46] Arguably the most significant debate concerned whether U.S. and Coalition forces had left Iraq too soon.[78][79] In an April 15, 1994, interview with C-SPAN, Cheney was asked if the U.S.-led Coalition forces should have moved into Baghdad. Cheney replied that occupying and attempting to take over the country would have been a "bad idea" and would have led to a "quagmire", explaining that:

[If] we'd gone to Baghdad we would have been all alone. There wouldn't have been anybody else with us. There would have been a U.S. occupation of Iraq. None of the Arab forces that were willing to fight with us in Kuwait were willing to invade Iraq. Once you got to Iraq and took it over, took down Saddam Hussein's government, then what are you going to put in its place? That's a very volatile part of the world, and if you take down the central government of Iraq, you could very easily end up seeing pieces of Iraq fly off: part of it, the Syrians would like to have to the west, part of it – eastern Iraq – the Iranians would like to claim, they fought over it for eight years. In the north you've got the Kurds, and if the Kurds spin loose and join with the Kurds in Turkey, then you threaten the territorial integrity of Turkey. It's a quagmire if you go that far and try to take over Iraq. The other thing was casualties. Everyone was impressed with the fact we were able to do our job with as few casualties as we had. But for the 146 Americans killed in action, and for their families – it wasn't a cheap war. And the question for the president, in terms of whether or not we went on to Baghdad, took additional casualties in an effort to get Saddam Hussein, was how many additional dead Americans is Saddam worth? Our judgment was, not very many, and I think we got it right.[80][81]

Cheney regarded the Gulf War as an example of the kind of regional problem the United States was likely to continue to face in the future:[82]

We're always going to have to be involved [in the Middle East]. Maybe it's part of our national character, you know we like to have these problems nice and neatly wrapped up, put a ribbon around it. You deploy a force, you win the war and the problem goes away. But it doesn't work that way in the Middle East. It never has, and isn't likely to in my lifetime.

Private-sector career

Between 1987 and 1989, during his last term in Congress, Cheney was on the board of the Council on Foreign Relations foreign policy organization.[83]

With the inauguration of the new Democratic administration under President Bill Clinton in January 1993, Cheney joined the American Enterprise Institute. He also served a second term as a Council on Foreign Relations director from 1993 to 1995.[83]

From October 1, 1995[84] to July 25, 2000,[85] he was chairman of the board and chief executive officer of Halliburton, a Fortune 500 company. Cheney resigned as CEO on the same day he was announced as George Bush's vice-presidential pick in the 2000 election.[86]

Cheney's record as CEO was subject to some dispute among Wall Street analysts. A 1998 merger between Halliburton and Dresser Industries attracted the criticism of some Dresser executives for Halliburton's lack of accounting transparency.[87] Halliburton shareholders pursued a class-action lawsuit alleging that the corporation artificially inflated its stock price during this period, though Cheney was not named as an individual defendant in the suit. In June 2011, the United States Supreme Court reversed a lower court ruling and allowed the case to continue in litigation.[88] Cheney was named in a December 2010 corruption complaint filed by the Nigerian government against Halliburton, which the company settled for $250 million.[89]

During Cheney's term, Halliburton changed its accounting practices regarding revenue realization of disputed costs on major construction projects.[90] Cheney resigned as CEO of Halliburton on July 25, 2000. As vice president, he argued that this step, along with establishing a trust and other actions, removed any conflict of interest.[91] Cheney's net worth, estimated to be between $19 million and $86 million,[92] was largely derived from his post at Halliburton.[93] His 2006 gross joint income with his wife was nearly $8.82 million.[94]

He was also a member of the board of advisors of the Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs (JINSA) before becoming vice president.[68]

2000 presidential election

The Bush–Cheney ticket won the 2000 presidential election with 271 electoral votes but with only 47.9% of the popular vote, less than their opposition ticket, Gore–Lieberman, which received 48.3%.

In early 2000, while CEO of Halliburton, Cheney headed Governor of Texas George W. Bush's vice-presidential search committee. On July 25, after reviewing Cheney's findings, Bush surprised some pundits by asking Cheney himself to join the Republican ticket.[31][95] However, a New York Times article which was published on July 28, 2000 acknowledged that the decision to select Cheney as Bush's Vice Presidential nominee was in fact secretly made "weeks" before it was formally announced.[96] Halliburton reportedly reached agreement on July 20 to allow Cheney to retire, with a package estimated at $20 million.[97]

A few months before the election Cheney put his home in Dallas up for sale and changed his drivers' license and voter registration back to Wyoming. This change was necessary to allow Texas' presidential electors to vote for both Bush and Cheney without contravening the Twelfth Amendment to the United States Constitution, which forbids electors from voting for "an inhabitant of the same state with themselves"[98] for both president and vice president. Cheney campaigned against Al Gore's running mate, Joseph Lieberman, in the 2000 presidential election. While the election was undecided, the Bush-Cheney team was not eligible for public funding to plan a transition to a new administration, prompting Cheney to open a privately funded transition office in Washington. This office worked to identify candidates for all important positions in the cabinet.[99] According to Craig Unger, Cheney advocated Donald Rumsfeld for the post of Secretary of Defense to counter the influence of Colin Powell at the State Department, and tried unsuccessfully to have Paul Wolfowitz named to replace George Tenet as director of the Central Intelligence Agency.[100]

Vice presidency (2001–2009)

First term (2001–2005)

Cheney watching the initial 9/11 attack

Following the September 11, 2001, attacks, Cheney remained physically apart from Bush for security reasons. For a period, Cheney stayed at a variety of undisclosed locations, out of public view.[101] Cheney later revealed in his memoir In My Time that these "undisclosed locations" included his official vice presidential residence, his home in Wyoming, and Camp David.[102] He also utilized a heavy security detail, employing a motorcade of 12 to 18 government vehicles for his daily commute from the vice presidential residence at Number One Observatory Circle to the White House.[103]

On the morning of June 29, 2002, Cheney served as acting president from 7:09 a.m. to 9:24 a.m., under the terms of the 25th Amendment to the Constitution, while Bush underwent a colonoscopy.[104][105]

Iraq War

Cheney speaks to US troops at Camp Anaconda, Iraq, in 2008

Following 9/11, Cheney was instrumental in providing a primary justification for a renewed war against Iraq. Cheney helped shape Bush's approach to the "War on Terror", making numerous public statements alleging Iraq possessed weapons of mass destruction,[106] and making several personal visits to CIA headquarters, where he questioned mid-level agency analysts on their conclusions.[107] Cheney continued to allege links between Saddam Hussein and al-Qaeda, even though President Bush received a classified President's Daily Brief on September 21, 2001, indicating the U.S. intelligence community had no evidence linking Saddam Hussein to the September 11 attacks and that "there was scant credible evidence that Iraq had any significant collaborative ties with Al Qaeda."[108] Furthermore, in 2004, the 9/11 Commission concluded that there was no "collaborative relationship" between Iraq and al-Qaeda.[109] By 2014, Cheney continued to misleadingly claim that Saddam "had a 10-year relationship with al Qaeda".[110]

Following the U.S. invasion of Iraq, Cheney remained steadfast in his support of the war, stating that it would be an "enormous success story",[111] and made many visits to the country. He often criticized war critics, calling them "opportunists" who were peddling "cynical and pernicious falsehoods" to gain political advantage while U.S. soldiers died in Iraq. In response, Senator John Kerry asserted, "It is hard to name a government official with less credibility on Iraq [than Cheney]."[112]

In a March 24, 2008, extended interview conducted in Ankara, Turkey, with ABC News correspondent Martha Raddatz on the fifth anniversary of the original U.S. military assault on Iraq, Cheney responded to a question about public opinion polls showing that Americans had lost confidence in the war by simply replying "So?"[113] This remark prompted widespread criticism, including from former Oklahoma Republican congressman Mickey Edwards, a long-time personal friend of Cheney.[114]

Second term (2005–2009)

The Bush–Cheney ticket won the 2004 presidential election with 50.7% of the popular vote and 286 electoral votes.

Bush and Cheney were re-elected in the 2004 presidential election, running against John Kerry and his running mate, John Edwards. During the election, the pregnancy of his daughter Mary and her sexual orientation as a lesbian became a source of public attention for Cheney in light of the same-sex marriage debate.[115] Cheney later stated that he was in favor of gay marriages personally, but that each individual U.S. state should decide whether to permit it or not.[116] Cheney's former chief legal counsel, David Addington,[117] became his chief of staff and remained in that office until Cheney's departure from office. John P. Hannah served as Cheney's national security adviser.[118] Until his indictment and resignation[119] in 2005, I. Lewis "Scooter" Libby Jr. served in both roles.[120]

On the morning of July 21, 2007, Cheney once again served as acting president, from 7:16 am to 9:21 am. Bush transferred the power of the presidency prior to undergoing a medical procedure, requiring sedation, and later resumed his powers and duties that same day.[121]

After his term began in 2001, Cheney was occasionally asked if he was interested in the Republican nomination for the 2008 presidential election. However, he always maintained that he wished to retire upon the expiration of his term and he did not run in the 2008 presidential primaries. The Republicans nominated Arizona Senator John McCain.[122]

Disclosure of documents

Cheney was a prominent member of the National Energy Policy Development Group (NEPDG),[123] commonly known as the Energy Task Force, composed of energy industry representatives, including several Enron executives. After the Enron scandal, the Bush administration was accused of improper political and business ties. In July 2003, the Supreme Court ruled that the United States Department of Commerce must disclose NEPDG documents, containing references to companies that had made agreements with the previous Iraqi government to extract Iraq's petroleum.[124]

Beginning in 2003, Cheney's staff opted not to file required reports with the National Archives and Records Administration office charged with assuring that the executive branch protects classified information, nor did it allow inspection of its record keeping.[125] Cheney refused to release the documents, citing his executive privilege to deny congressional information requests.[126][127] Media outlets such as Time magazine and CBS News questioned whether Cheney had created a "fourth branch of government" that was not subject to any laws.[128] A group of historians and open-government advocates filed a lawsuit in the United States District Court for the District of Columbia, asking the court to declare that Cheney's vice-presidential records are covered by the Presidential Records Act of 1978 and cannot be destroyed, taken or withheld from the public without proper review.[129][130][131][132]

CIA leak scandal

Handwritten note above Joe Wilson's editorial by Cheney referring to the covert agent before the leak took place

On October 18, 2005, The Washington Post reported that the vice president's office was central to the investigation of the Valerie Plame CIA leak scandal, for Cheney's former chief of staff, Lewis "Scooter" Libby, was one of the figures under investigation.[133] Libby resigned his positions as Cheney's chief of staff and assistant on national security affairs later in the month after he was indicted.[134]

In February 2006, The National Journal reported that Libby had stated before a grand jury that his superiors, including Cheney, had authorized him to disclose classified information to the press regarding intelligence on Iraq's weapons.[135] That September, Richard Armitage, former deputy secretary of state, publicly announced that he was the source of the revelation of Plame's status. Armitage said he was not a part of a conspiracy to reveal Plame's identity and did not know whether one existed.[136]

On March 6, 2007, Libby was convicted on four felony counts for obstruction of justice, perjury, and making false statements to federal investigators.[137] In his closing arguments, independent prosecutor Patrick Fitzgerald said that there was "a cloud over the vice president",[138] an apparent reference to Cheney's interview with FBI agents investigating the case, which was made public in 2009.[139] Cheney lobbied President George W. Bush vigorously and unsuccessfully to grant Libby a full presidential pardon up to the day of Barack Obama's inauguration, likening Libby to a "soldier on the battlefield".[140][141] Libby was subsequently pardoned by President Donald Trump in April 2018.[142]

Assassination attempt

Vice President Cheney speaks to the press flanked by fellow Republicans Mitch McConnell (left) and Trent Lott (right), April 2007

On February 27, 2007, at about 10 am, a suicide bomber killed 23 people and wounded 20 more outside Bagram Airfield in Afghanistan during a visit by Cheney. The Taliban claimed responsibility for the attack and declared that Cheney was its intended target. They also claimed that Osama bin Laden supervised the operation.[143] The bomb went off outside the front gate while Cheney was inside the base and half a mile away. He reported hearing the blast, saying "I heard a loud boom... The Secret Service came in and told me there had been an attack on the main gate."[144] The purpose of Cheney's visit to the region had been to press Pakistan for a united front against the Taliban.[145]

Policy formulation

Cheney_Mubarak,_Presidential_Palace_in_Cairo
Cheney shakes hands with Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak at the Presidential Palace in Cairo, May 2007

Cheney has been characterized as the most powerful and influential vice president in U.S. history.[146][147] Both supporters and critics of Cheney regarded him as a shrewd and knowledgeable politician who knew the functions and intricacies of the United States federal government. A sign of Cheney's active policy-making role was then-Speaker of the House Dennis Hastert's provision of an office near the House floor for Cheney[148], in addition to his office in the West Wing,[149] his ceremonial office in the Old Executive Office Building,[150] and his Senate offices (one in the Dirksen Senate Office Building and another off the floor of the Senate).[148][151]

Cheney actively promoted an expansion of the powers of the presidency, saying that the Bush administration's "challenges to the laws which Congress passed after Vietnam and Watergate to contain and oversee the executive branch – the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act, the Presidential Records Act, the Freedom of Information Act and the War Powers Resolution – are 'a restoration, if you will, of the power and authority of the president.'"[152][153]

In June 2007, The Washington Post summarized Cheney's vice presidency in a Pulitzer Prize-winning[154] four-part series, based in part on interviews with former administration officials. The articles characterized Cheney not as a "shadow" president, but as someone who usually had the last words of counsel to the president on policies, which in many cases would reshape the powers of the presidency. When former vice president Dan Quayle suggested to Cheney that the office was largely ceremonial, Cheney reportedly replied, "I have a different understanding with the president." The articles described Cheney as having a secretive approach to the tools of government, indicated by the use of his own security classification and three man-sized safes in his offices.[155]

The articles described Cheney's influence on decisions pertaining to detention of suspected terrorists and the legal limits that apply to their questioning, especially what constitutes torture.[156] U.S. Army Colonel Lawrence Wilkerson, who served as Colin Powell's chief of staff when he was both Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff at the same time Cheney was Secretary of Defense, and then later when Powell was Secretary of State, stated in an in-depth interview that Cheney and Donald Rumsfeld established an alternative program to interrogate post-9/11 detainees because of their mutual distrust of CIA.[157]

The Washington Post articles, principally written by Barton Gellman, further characterized Cheney as having the strongest influence within the administration in shaping budget and tax policy in a manner that assures "conservative orthodoxy."[158] They also highlighted Cheney's behind-the-scenes influence on the Bush administration's environmental policy to ease pollution controls for power plants, facilitate the disposal of nuclear waste, open access to federal timber resources, and avoid federal constraints on greenhouse gas emissions, among other issues. The articles characterized his approach to policy formulation as favoring business over the environment.[159]

Cheney walks with Saudi crown prince Sultan bin Abdulaziz, May 2007

In June 2008, Cheney allegedly attempted to block efforts by Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice to strike a controversial U.S. compromise deal with North Korea over the communist state's nuclear program.[160]

In July 2008, a former Environmental Protection Agency official stated publicly that Cheney's office had pushed significantly for large-scale deletions from a Centers for Disease Control and Prevention report on the health effects of global warming "fearing the presentation by a leading health official might make it harder to avoid regulating greenhouse gases."[161] In October, when the report appeared with six pages cut from the testimony, the White House stated that the changes were made due to concerns regarding the accuracy of the science. However, according to the former senior adviser on climate change to Environmental Protection Agency Administrator Stephen Johnson, Cheney's office was directly responsible for nearly half of the original testimony being deleted.[161]

In his role as President of the U.S. Senate, Cheney broke with the Bush Administration Department of Justice, and signed an amicus brief to the United States Supreme Court in the case of Heller v. District of Columbia that successfully challenged gun laws in the nation's capital on Second Amendment grounds.[162] On February 14, 2010, in an appearance on ABC's This Week, Cheney reiterated his support of waterboarding and for the torture of captured terrorist suspects, saying, "I was and remain a strong proponent of our enhanced interrogation program."[163]

Post–vice presidency

In 2008, Cheney purchased a home on Chain Bridge Road in McLean, Virginia, part of the Washington, D.C. suburbs, which he tore down for a replacement structure to be built.[164] He maintained homes in Wyoming and on Maryland's Eastern Shore as well.[165]

Political activity

Cheney speaking at CPAC, February 2011

In July 2012, Cheney used his Wyoming home to host a private fundraiser for Republican presidential candidate Mitt Romney, which netted over $4 million in contributions from attendees for Romney's campaign.[166]

Cheney was the subject of the documentary film The World According to Dick Cheney, which premiered March 15, 2013, on the Showtime television channel.[167][168][169] Cheney was also reported to be the subject of an HBO television mini-series based on Barton Gellman's 2008 book Angler[170] and the 2006 documentary The Dark Side, produced by PBS.[107]

Cheney maintained a visible public profile after leaving office,[171] being especially critical of Obama administration policies on national security.[172][173][174] In May 2009, Cheney spoke of his support for same-sex marriage, becoming one of the most prominent Republican politicians to do so. Speaking to the National Press Club, Cheney stated: "People ought to be free to enter into any kind of union they wish, any kind of arrangement they wish. I do believe, historically, the way marriage has been regulated is at a state level. It's always been a state issue, and I think that's the way it ought to be handled today."[175] In 2012, Cheney reportedly encouraged several Maryland state legislators to vote to legalize same-sex marriage in that state.[176] Although, by custom, a former vice president unofficially receives six months of protection from the United States Secret Service, President Obama reportedly extended the protection period for Cheney.[177]

On July 11, 2009, CIA director Leon Panetta told the Senate and House intelligence committees that the CIA withheld information about a secret counter-terrorism program from Congress for eight years on direct orders from Cheney. Intelligence and Congressional officials have said the unidentified program did not involve the CIA interrogation program and did not involve domestic intelligence activities. They have said the program was started by the counter-terrorism center at the CIA shortly after the attacks of September 11, 2001, but never became fully operational, involving planning and some training that took place off and on from 2001 until 2009.[178] The Wall Street Journal reported, citing former intelligence officials familiar with the matter, that the program was an attempt to carry out a 2001 presidential authorization to capture or kill al Qaeda operatives.[179]

Cheney attending his daughter Liz's ceremonial congressional swearing-in ceremony in January 2017

Cheney said that the Tea Party Movement was a "positive influence on the Republican Party" and that "I think it's much better to have that kind of turmoil and change in the Republican Party than it would be to have it outside."[180] In May 2016, Cheney endorsed Donald Trump as the Republican nominee in the 2016 presidential election.[181] That November, his daughter Liz won election to the House of Representatives (to his former congressional seat). When she was sworn into office in January 2017, Cheney said he believed she would do well in the position and that he would offer advice only if requested.[182] In March 2017, Cheney said that Russian interference in the 2016 United States elections could be considered "an act of war".[183]

Views on President Obama

Cheney attending the state funeral of George H. W. Bush in December 2018

On December 29, 2009, four days after the attempted bombing of an international passenger flight from the Netherlands to United States, Cheney criticized President Barack Obama: "[We] are at war and when President Obama pretends we aren't, it makes us less safe. ... Why doesn't he want to admit we're at war? It doesn't fit with the view of the world he brought with him to the Oval Office. It doesn't fit with what seems to be the goal of his presidency – social transformation – the restructuring of American society."[184] In response, White House communications director Dan Pfeiffer wrote on the official White House blog the following day, "[I]t is telling that Vice President Cheney and others seem to be more focused on criticizing the Administration than condemning the attackers. Unfortunately too many are engaged in the typical Washington game of pointing fingers and making political hay, instead of working together to find solutions to make our country safer."[185][186] During a February 14, 2010, appearance on ABC's This Week, Cheney reiterated his criticism of the Obama administration's policies for handling suspected terrorists, criticizing the "mindset" of treating "terror attacks against the United States as criminal acts as opposed to acts of war".[163]

In a May 2, 2011, interview with ABC News, Cheney praised the Obama administration for the covert military operation in Pakistan that resulted in the death of Osama bin Laden.[187] In 2014, during an interview with Sean Hannity, he called Obama a "weak President" after Obama announced his plans to pull forces out of Afghanistan.[188]

Memoir

Cheney in 2012, promoting his book

In August 2011, Cheney published his memoir, In My Time: A Personal and Political Memoir, written with Liz Cheney. The book outlines Cheney's recollections of 9/11, the War on Terrorism, the 2001 War in Afghanistan, the run-up to the 2003 Iraq War, so-called "enhanced interrogation techniques", and other events.[189] According to Barton Gellman, the author of Angler: The Cheney Vice Presidency, Cheney's book differs from publicly available records on details surrounding the NSA surveillance program.[190][191]

Exceptional: Why the World Needs a Powerful America

In 2015, Cheney published another book, Exceptional: Why the World Needs a Powerful America, again co-authored with his daughter Liz. The book traces the history of U.S. foreign policy and military successes and failures from Franklin Roosevelt's administration through the Obama administration. The authors tell the story of what they describe as the unique role the United States has played as a defender of freedom throughout the world since World War II.[192] Drawing upon the notion of American exceptionalism, the co-authors criticize Barack Obama's and former secretary of state Hillary Clinton's foreign policies, and offer what they see as the solutions needed to restore American greatness and power on the world stage in defense of freedom.[193][194]

Views on President Trump

Cheney was critical of modern Republican leadership.[195] In May 2016, Cheney said he would support Donald Trump in the 2016 presidential election.[196] In May 2018, Cheney supported Trump's decision to withdraw from the Iran Nuclear Deal.[197]

Cheney criticized the Trump administration at the American Enterprise Institute World Forum alongside Vice President Mike Pence in March 2019. Questioning his successor on Trump's commitment to NATO and tendency to announce policy decisions on Twitter before consulting senior staff members, Cheney commented, "It seems, at times, as though your administration’s approach has more in common with Obama’s foreign policy than traditional Republican foreign policy."[198]

On the one-year anniversary of the 2021 United States Capitol attack, Cheney joined his daughter Liz Cheney at the Capitol and participated in the remembrance events.[199] His daughter was the only Republican member of Congress to attend the events, despite the events being open for attendance by all others.[200] He later appeared in a 2022 primary campaign ad for Liz in which he called Trump a "coward" and a "threat to our republic" due to his attempts to overturn the 2020 United States presidential election. That year, Liz ran for her Wyoming congressional seat against Trump-backed primary challenger Harriet Hageman, who ultimately won by over 30%.[201][202]

On September 6, 2024, Cheney released a public statement confirming that he intended to cast his vote in the 2024 presidential election for Democratic nominee Kamala Harris. The previous day, his daughter Liz had told a crowd of Cheney's intention to do so.[203] In his statement, Cheney opined

In our nation's 248-year history, there has never been an individual who is a greater threat to our republic than Donald Trump. He tried to steal the last election using lies and violence to keep himself in power after the voters had rejected him. He can never be trusted with power again. As citizens, we each have a duty to put country above partisanship to defend our Constitution. That is why I will be casting my vote for Vice President Kamala Harris.[203]

Public perception and legacy

The Dick Cheney Federal Building in Casper, Wyoming[204][205]

Cheney's early public opinion polls were more favorable than unfavorable, reaching his peak approval rating in the wake of the September 11 attacks at 68 percent.[16] However, polling numbers for both he and the president gradually declined in their second terms,[16][206] with Cheney reaching his lowest point shortly before leaving office at 13 percent.[206][207] Cheney's Gallup poll figures are mostly consistent with those from other polls:[16][208]

  • April 2001 – 63% approval, 21% disapproval
  • January 2002 – 68% approval, 18% disapproval
  • January 2004 – 56% approval, 36% disapproval
  • January 2005 – 50% approval, 40% disapproval
  • January 2006 – 41% approval, 46% disapproval
  • July 2007 – 30% approval, 60% disapproval
  • March 2009 – 30% approval, 63% disapproval

In April 2007, Cheney was awarded an honorary doctorate of public service by Brigham Young University, where he delivered the commencement address.[209] His selection as commencement speaker was controversial. The college board of trustees issued a statement explaining that the invitation should be viewed "as one extended to someone holding the high office of vice president of the United States rather than to a partisan political figure".[210] BYU permitted a protest to occur so long as it did not "make personal attacks against Cheney, attack (the) BYU administration, the church or the First Presidency".[211]

Cheney is considered by many sources to have been the most powerful vice president in American history.[4][5][212] In its obituary of Cheney, The New York Times described him as such, and cited him as President Bush's "most influential White House adviser in an era of terrorism, war and economic change".[19] USA Today noted that Cheney was the "chief architect of the war in Iraq" and one of the last figures of the "old Republican Party guard".[213] The BBC called Cheney "the ultimate Washington insider" who helped shape the foreign policy powers of the presidency.[18] According to Al Jazeera, he fought intensely for an expansion of the president's power, which he felt had been eroding since Watergate, and increased the vice president's clout by putting together a national security team that often served as a power center within the George W. Bush administration.[214] He was noted for expanding the powers of the vice presidency and having "built unrivalled authority and influence."[215] Cheney was additionally noted for having transformed the once-mundane role of the vice presidency into a "U.S. version of the office of prime minister, subordinate to, but almost coequal of, the presidency itself".[215] Cheney had a "commanding [hand], in implementing decisions most important to [President Bush] and some of surpassing interest to himself".[216]

Cheney "wielded rare clout in Washington for over three decades," but received negative and controversial reception globally, primarily for the role he played in the invasions of Iraq and Afghanistan, his promotion of the existence of evidently non-existent weapons of mass destruction as a casus belli for the former conflict, and the promotion and supervision of the increased use of torture against citizens and foreign nationals at Guantanamo Bay and other U.S. detention facilities worldwide.[19][212]

As a result of Cheney's admittance that he signed off on the use of "enhanced interrogation techniques,"[217][218] some public officials, media outlets, and advocacy groups had called for his prosecution under various anti-torture and war crimes statutes.[219][220] French newspaper Le Monde described Cheney as the "father" of the invasion of Iraq who "embodied the excesses of the war on terror".[221] Jon Meacham's book Destiny and Power: The American Odyssey of George Herbert Walker Bush, published in November 2015, describes Bush as being simultaneously laudatory and critical of the former vice president, with Bush describing him as "having his own empire" and being "very hard-line."[222]

A Dick Cheney impersonator at the 2010 Rally to Restore Sanity and/or Fear

Personal life

Cheney was a member of the United Methodist Church[234] and was the first Methodist vice president to serve under a Methodist president.[235] His brother, Bob, is a former civil servant at the Bureau of Land Management.[236]

His wife, Lynne, was chair of the National Endowment for the Humanities from 1986 to 1996. She is a public speaker, author, and a senior fellow at the American Enterprise Institute.[237] They had two daughters, Elizabeth ("Liz") and Mary Cheney, and seven grandchildren. Liz, a former congresswoman from Wyoming, is married to Philip Perry, a former general counsel of the Department of Homeland Security. Mary, a former employee of the Colorado Rockies baseball team and the Coors Brewing Company, was a campaign aide to the Bush re-election campaign; she lives in Great Falls, Virginia, with her wife Heather Poe.[238] Cheney publicly supported gay marriage after leaving the vice presidency.[239]

Health problems

Cheney's long histories of cardiovascular disease and periodic need for urgent health care raised questions of whether he was medically fit to serve in public office.[240] Having smoked approximately three packs of cigarettes per day for nearly 20 years,[241] Cheney had his first of five heart attacks on June 18, 1978,[242] at age 37. Subsequent heart attacks in 1984, 1988, 2000, and 2010 resulted in the moderate contractile dysfunction of his left ventricle.[243] He underwent four-vessel coronary artery bypass grafting in 1988, coronary artery stenting in November 2000, urgent coronary balloon angioplasty in March 2001, and the implantation of a cardioverter-defibrillator in June 2001.[244]

On September 24, 2005, Cheney underwent a six-hour endo-vascular procedure to repair popliteal artery aneurysms bilaterally, a catheter treatment technique used in the artery behind each knee.[245] The condition was discovered at a regular physical in July, and was not life-threatening.[246] Cheney was hospitalized for tests after experiencing shortness of breath five months later. In late April 2006, an ultrasound revealed that the clot was smaller.[245]

On March 5, 2007, Cheney was treated for deep vein thrombosis in his left leg at George Washington University Hospital after experiencing pain in his left calf. Doctors prescribed blood-thinning medication and allowed him to return to work.[247] CBS News reported that during the morning of November 26, 2007, Cheney was diagnosed with atrial fibrillation and underwent treatment that afternoon.[245] On July 12, 2008, Cheney underwent a cardiological exam; doctors reported that his heartbeat was normal for a 67-year-old man with a history of heart problems. As part of his annual checkup, he was administered an electrocardiogram and radiological imaging of the stents placed in the arteries behind his knees in 2005. Doctors said that Cheney had not experienced any recurrence of atrial fibrillation and that his special pacemaker had neither detected nor treated any arrhythmia.[248] On October 15, 2008, Cheney returned to the hospital briefly to treat a minor irregularity.[249]

On January 19, 2009, Cheney strained his back "while moving boxes into his new house," according to a White House statement. As a consequence, he was in a wheelchair for two days, including his attendance at the 2009 United States presidential inauguration.[250][251] On February 22, 2010, Cheney was admitted to George Washington University Hospital after experiencing chest pains. A spokesperson later said Cheney had experienced a mild heart attack after doctors had run tests.[252] On June 25, 2010, Cheney was admitted to George Washington University Hospital after reporting discomfort.[253]

In early-July 2010, Cheney was outfitted with a left-ventricular assist device (LVAD) at Inova Fairfax Heart and Vascular Institute to compensate for worsening congestive heart failure.[254] The device pumped blood continuously through his body.[255][256] He was released from Inova on August 9, 2010,[257] and had to decide whether to seek a full heart transplant.[258][259] This pump was centrifugal and as a result he remained alive without a pulse for nearly fifteen months.[260]

On March 24, 2012, Cheney underwent a seven-hour heart transplant procedure at Inova Fairfax Hospital in Woodburn, Virginia. He had been on a waiting list for more than 20 months before receiving the heart from an anonymous donor.[261][262] Cheney's principal cardiologist, Jonathan Reiner, advised his patient that "it would not be unreasonable for an otherwise healthy 71-year-old man to expect to live another 10 years" with a transplant, saying in a family-authorized interview that he considered Cheney to be otherwise healthy.[263]

Hunting incident

On February 11, 2006, Cheney accidentally shot Harry Whittington, a then-78-year-old Texas attorney, while participating in a quail hunt at Armstrong ranch in Kenedy County, Texas.[264] Secret Service agents and medical aides, who were traveling with Cheney, came to Whittington's assistance and treated his birdshot wounds to his right cheek, neck, and chest. An ambulance standing by for the Vice President took Whittington to nearby Kingsville before he was flown by helicopter to Corpus Christi Memorial Hospital. On February 14, 2006, Whittington had a non-fatal heart attack and atrial fibrillation due to at least one lead-shot pellet lodged in or near his heart.[265] Because of the small size of the birdshot pellets, doctors decided to leave as many as 30 pieces of the pellets lodged in his body rather than try to remove them.[266]

The Secret Service stated that they notified the sheriff about one hour after the shooting. Kenedy County Sheriff Ramone Salinas III stated that he first heard of the shooting at about 5:30 p.m.[267] The next day, ranch owner Katharine Armstrong informed the Corpus Christi Caller-Times of the shooting.[268] Cheney had a televised interview with MSNBC News about the shooting on February 15. Both Cheney and Whittington called the incident an accident. Early reports indicated that Cheney and Whittington were friends and that the injuries were minor. Whittington later told The Washington Post that he and Cheney were not close friends but acquaintances. When asked if Cheney had apologized, Whittington declined to answer.[269]

The sheriff's office released a report on the shooting on February 16, 2006, and witness statements on February 22, indicating that the shooting occurred on a clear sunny day, and Whittington was shot from 30 or 40 yards (30 or 40 m) away while searching for a downed bird. Armstrong, the ranch owner, claimed that all in the hunting party were wearing blaze-orange safety gear and none had been drinking.[270] However, Cheney acknowledged that he had had one beer four or five hours prior to the shooting.[271] Although Kenedy County Sheriff's Office documents support the official story by Cheney and his party, re-creations of the incident produced by George Gongora and John Metz of the Corpus Christi Caller-Times indicated that the actual shooting distance was closer than the 30 yards claimed.[272]

The incident hurt Cheney's popularity standing in the polls.[273] According to polls on February 27, 2006, two weeks after the accident, Cheney's approval rating had dropped 5 percentage points to 18%.[274] The incident became the subject of a number of jokes and satire.[275]

Death

Cheney died in Northern Virginia on the evening of November 3, 2025, at the age of 84.[18][19] He had been experiencing complications related to pneumonia and vascular disease.[20]

Following Cheney's death, former president George W. Bush issued a statement praising Cheney as "among the finest public servants of his generation – a patriot who brought integrity, high intelligence, and seriousness of purpose to every position he held".[276] Former presidents Bill ClintonBarack Obama, and Joe Biden also issued statements honoring Cheney.[277][278][279] Former vice presidents Mike Pence and Kamala Harris released statements following Cheney's death.[279] Vice President JD Vance and President Donald Trump did not issue a statement after his death was announced.[279][280] However, U.S. flags at the White House were lowered in Cheney's honor on the day of his death.[281] After being questioned about Trump's lack of a comment regarding Cheney's death, White House press secretary Karoline Leavitt stated that Trump was "aware" that Cheney had died without elaborating any further.[282] Online, some notable figures denounced Cheney as a mass murderer and war criminal who faced no prosecution while alive.[283][284]

Senate majority leader John Thune said that the Republican leadership was reviewing the possibility of having Cheney lying in state at the U.S. Capitol Rotunda.[285]

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Notes

  1.  /ˈni/ CHAY-nee; in his early life, Cheney pronounced his surname as /ˈni/ CHEE-nee, the pronunciation used by his family. After moving east he adopted the pronunciation /ˈni/ CHAY-nee favored by the media and public-at-large.[1][2][3]

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Dick Cheney, Powerful Vice President and Washington Insider, Dies at 84

A former defense secretary and congressman, he held the nation’s No. 2 job under President George W. Bush and was an architect of policies in an era of war and economic change.

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Dick Cheney Dies at 84
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Dick Cheney, widely regarded as the most powerful vice president in U.S. history, died on Monday evening at the age of 84, his family said in a statement. Mr. Cheney served under President George W. Bush in both terms, and was pivotal in the country’s response to the Sept. 11 attacks.CreditCredit...Jose R. Lopez/The New York Times

Dick Cheney, widely regarded as the most powerful vice president in American history, who was George W. Bush’s running mate in two successful campaigns for the presidency and his most influential White House adviser in an era of terrorism, war and economic change, died on Monday. He was 84.

The cause was complications of pneumonia and cardiac and vascular disease, according to a statement by his family, who said he died in Northern Virginia. Mr. Cheney had homes in McLean, Va., and Jackson, Wyo.

Plagued by coronary problems nearly all his adult life, Mr. Cheney had five heart attacks from 1978 to 2010 and had worn a device to regulate his heartbeat since 2001. But his health issues did not seem to impair his performance as vice president. In 2012, three years after retiring, he underwent a successful heart transplant and had been reasonably active since then.

Most recently, he startled Americans of both parties by announcing that he would vote for Vice President Kamala Harris, a Democrat, in the 2024 election, denouncing her Republican opponent, former President Donald J. Trump, as unfit for the Oval Office and a grave threat to American democracy.

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“We have a duty to put country above partisanship to defend our Constitution,” Mr. Cheney said.

His announcement echoed that of an earlier one by his daughter Liz Cheney, the former Republican representative from Wyoming, who broke with Mr. Trump after the Jan. 6, 2021, attack on the Capitol by his followers. She, too, said she would vote for Ms. Harris.

As vice presidents go, Mr. Cheney was a singular figure: more powerful and less ambitious for higher office than any vice president in modern times. A 10-year member of the House of Representatives, the youngest White House chief of staff in history, the defense secretary from 1989 to 1993, a confidant of presidents and lawmakers, Mr. Cheney had impeccable credentials and contacts and was a master in the art of getting things done, preferably without fanfare.

In many ways an inscrutable personality, he had no patience for small talk, almost never spoke about himself and rarely gave interviews or held news conferences, although he sometimes went on television to promote administration policies and was often in the news. He preferred the backstage to the spotlight.

A consummate Washington insider, Mr. Cheney was an architect and executor of President Bush’s major initiatives: deploying military power to advance, they said, the cause of democracy abroad, championing free markets and deregulation at home, and strengthening the powers of a presidency that, as both men saw it, had been unjustifiably restrained by Congress and the courts in the aftermath of the Vietnam War and the Watergate scandal.

As Mr. Bush’s most trusted and valued counselor, Mr. Cheney foraged at will over fields of international and domestic policy. Like a super-cabinet official with an unlimited portfolio, he used his authority to make the case for war, propose or kill legislation, recommend Supreme Court candidates, tip the balance for a tax cut, promote the interests of allies and parry opponents.

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But it was the national security arena where he had the most profound impact. As defense secretary, he helped engineer the Persian Gulf war that successfully evicted Iraqi invaders from Kuwait in 1991, and then took a leading role a decade later in responding to the terrorist attacks of Sept. 11, 2001. To prevent future attacks, he advocated aggressive policies including warrantless surveillance, indefinite detention and brutal interrogation tactics. And he pushed for the invasion of Iraq to topple Saddam Hussein in 2003, completing the unfinished job of his previous stint in power but leading to years of warfare.

ImageA color photo of Mr. Cheney, wearing a dark gray suit, a white shirt and a red patterned necktie, raising his right hand in front of a microphone. President George Bush, in wire-rimmed glasses, looks on at left.
Mr. Cheney being sworn in as defense secretary in March 1989. Mr. Bush, left, valued his loyalty and discretion, as his son, President George W. Bush, would years later.Credit...Ira Schwarz/Reuters

Early in Mr. Bush’s first term, many Democrats and even some fellow Republicans wondered if Mr. Cheney might be the real power in a White House occupied by an untested president whose qualifications had been questioned. While Mr. Bush eventually asserted his authority and Mr. Cheney’s influence declined by the second term, the image of him as a Machiavellian paterfamilias was never quite dispelled.

Even Mr. Bush worried about that perception, as he noted in his 2010 memoir, “Decision Points.” He wrote that Mr. Cheney offered to withdraw from the ticket for the 2004 presidential election, having become “the Darth Vader of the administration.” Mr. Bush considered the offer, aware that accepting it “would be one way to demonstrate that I was in charge.” But he ultimately kept his running mate, saying he valued the vice president’s steadiness and friendship.

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There was no question about Mr. Cheney’s steadiness.

On Sept. 11, 2001, when hijacked airliners destroyed the World Trade Center in New York and crashed into the Pentagon and into a Pennsylvania field, killing nearly 3,000 people in the nation’s worst terrorist attack, it was Mr. Cheney who took charge at the White House.

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A color photo of Mr. Cheney in a White House command center. He stands with his arms crossed while speaking to Condoleezza Rice. A television screen at right shows an image of a World Trade Center tower collapsing.
Mr. Cheney with Condoleezza Rice, the national security adviser, on Sept. 11, 2001. With the president traveling and sent to secure locations after the terrorist attacks that morning, it was Mr. Cheney who took charge of the response from the White House. Credit...David Bohrer/The White House

Mr. Bush, who was visiting a school in Florida as the attacks took place, was shuttled to secure locations in Louisiana and Nebraska. The vice president activated defense measures across the nation, put American forces on alert around the world and ordered the Capitol evacuated and government leaders removed to safety. From a White House bunker, he maintained continuous contact with the president and other officials and kept what many called a steady hand at the helm through the crisis.

In the aftermath, Mr. Cheney became the strategist behind a rapid expansion of presidential power to fight terrorism and a forceful proponent of Mr. Bush’s doctrinal warning to the world: that nations and regimes would be counted as for or against the United States in the new age of terrorism, and that pre-emptive military action would be taken against anyone who posed a threat to the security of the country.

Six weeks after the attacks, Mr. Cheney helped engineer a swift, lopsided passage of the USA Patriot Act, a sweeping law that greatly expanded the government’s powers of investigation, surveillance and detention to fight terrorism. With the wounded nation still seething over Sept. 11, public opposition to the law was muted, though civil libertarians warned that it authorized the government to spy on ordinary Americans.

Later, it became clear that the act was being used to underpin secret courts, wiretaps without warrants, the unlimited detention of suspects without hearings or charges, and interrogation methods that skirted bans on torture in the Geneva Conventions. There were wide protests and even constitutional challenges. But Mr. Cheney strongly defended the law and its expansion of presidential power, and it remained in force.

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Mr. Cheney also strongly influenced Mr. Bush’s decision to invade Afghanistan to hunt for Osama bin Laden, the Qaeda leader who masterminded the Sept. 11 attacks, and to suppress a fanatical Taliban regime that had sheltered terrorists and imposed a brutal theocracy on the Afghan people.

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Mr. Cheney standing at a lectern with Mr. Powell, who wears a dark green uniform festooned with military decorations. A large map of the Persian Gulf region is behind them.
Mr. Cheney and Mr. Powell briefing the news media on troop movements during the Persian Gulf war in August 1990.Credit...Tannen Maury/Associated Press

And it was Mr. Cheney who was a dominant voice behind Mr. Bush’s decision to invade Iraq in 2003 and then to justify the war. He insisted that Iraq’s president, Saddam Hussein, had ties to Qaeda terrorists, possessed weapons of mass destruction and would threaten America and its allies with nuclear blackmail.

What began as a one-month combat operation in Iraq gave way to a nearly nine-year occupation, a struggle against Iraqi insurgents and internecine warfare that would claim the lives of nearly 4,500 American military personnel and, it is believed, at least 100,000 Iraqis (estimates vary); cost more than $2 trillion, according to some reports; and leave a staggering trail of destruction throughout the country.

As the war dragged on, the outlines of an enormous intelligence failure began to emerge. The Sept. 11 commission, an independent panel given the task of investigating the 2001 attacks, found no evidence of collaboration between Iraq and Al Qaeda, and the chief weapons inspector of the Central Intelligence Agency, a White House appointee, concluded that Iraq had no stockpiles of biological, chemical or nuclear weapons.

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Mr. Cheney grinning and waving from a reviewing stand beside Mr. Powell.
Mr. Cheney, Mr. Powell and Gen. H. Norman Schwarzkopf during a parade in Manhattan in June 1991 to honor the troops who had fought in the Gulf War.Credit...Amy Sancetta/Associated Press

But these findings were released as Mr. Bush and Mr. Cheney campaigned for re-election in 2004, and the candidates conceded nothing. “To delay, defer, wait wasn’t an option,” Mr. Cheney said. “The president did exactly the right thing.”

The Democratic candidates, Senator John Kerry of Massachusetts and his running mate, Senator John Edwards of North Carolina, tried to press the matter, but the debate over whether America had been led into war under false pretenses appeared to lose coherence as a grinding election-year issue.

It came into focus again in Mr. Bush’s second term, however, as American patience with the war started to wear thin amid a rising toll of American and Iraqi deaths, soaring costs in the face of an economic downturn at home, persistent questions about the humiliation and torture of enemy detainees, and the administration’s lack of a clear timetable and exit strategy.

By the midterm elections in 2006, with the war into its fourth year and no end in sight, public frustration had reached a tipping point. Democrats, energized after years of passivity, promised changes. Riding a wave of voter dissatisfaction, they swept to majorities in both houses of Congress for the first time since 1994.

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After the election, Mr. Bush dismissed Defense Secretary Donald H. Rumsfeld — Mr. Cheney’s closest administration ally and a lightning rod for war critics — and named Robert M. Gates, a former director of central intelligence, as his successor. The president also spoke of cooperating with Congress and said he would consider proposals from a bipartisan Iraq Study Group calling for gradual disengagement from Iraq.

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A color photo of two soldiers in Army fatigues carrying automatic rifles and wearing night-vision goggles in a dark urban landscape.
American troops in action in Baghdad during the Iraq War in 2007. Mr. Cheney had been a dominant voice behind Mr. Bush’s decision to invade Iraq in 2003.Credit...Ashley Gilbertson for The New York Times

But it soon became clear that Mr. Bush intended to do neither. In early 2007, with Mr. Cheney’s endorsement, the president sent tens of thousands of American troops to Iraq, augmenting the 132,000 there, in a surge to help the government quell violence around Baghdad. The House passed a nonbinding resolution against the plan, to which Mr. Cheney declared, “It won’t stop us.”

It seemed nothing would. After years of carnage and sectarian violence that had left Iraq on the brink of civil war, Mr. Cheney dismissed suggestions that the country was on the verge of collapse. “The reality on the ground is that we’ve made major progress,” he said. He argued that pulling out before Iraq was able to defend itself would set off a blood bath between Sunni and Shiite sects.

By the spring of 2008, as the war entered its sixth year and American deaths surpassed 4,000, it was apparent that the conflict would be inherited by the next president. Mr. Cheney said that the war had “lasted longer than I would have anticipated” but that it had been “well worth the effort.”

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During the 2008 presidential race, the Democratic nominee, Senator Barack Obama of Illinois, castigated the administration over the Iraq war. The Republican nominee, Senator John McCain of Arizona, who often used the shorthand “Al Qaeda” to refer to a protean and increasingly divided enemy, warned against a premature troop withdrawal from Iraq, but rarely mentioned Mr. Bush or Mr. Cheney, distancing himself from a team whose day was nearly over.

After an almost two-year campaign, Mr. Obama’s election presaged broad changes in foreign and domestic policy. And the Iraq war was hardly the only leftover problem.

In Afghanistan, a resurgent Taliban posed new dangers. Bin Laden’s terrorist network had been rebuilt in tribal strongholds of Pakistan. America’s alliances were frayed. Disputes with Iran, North Korea, Russia and other potential adversaries lingered. And the American and global economies were in deep distress, a result, many experts said, of Republican policies.

A month before leaving office, Mr. Cheney struck an unapologetic tone in exit interviews, defending the use of broad executive powers in waging war, in the treatment of terrorism suspects and in domestic wiretapping, insisting that historians would ultimately look favorably on the administration’s efforts to keep the nation safe.

On Jan. 20, 2009, Mr. Cheney, who had hurt his back moving boxes and attended the inauguration at the Capitol in a wheelchair, was succeeded by Senator Joseph R. Biden Jr. of Delaware. The two had been lobbing verbal grenades at each other for months. Mr. Biden had called Mr. Cheney “probably the most dangerous vice president we’ve had in American history” and vowed to “restore the balance” to the office. Mr. Cheney fired back: “If he wants to diminish the office of vice president, that’s obviously his call.”

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Mr. Cheney with Vice President-elect Joseph R. Biden and his wife, Jill Biden, in the old Senate chamber.
During Barack Obama’s presidency, Mr. Cheney, pictured here with the Bidens in 2009, became the leading Republican critic of the new administration. Credit...Stephen Crowley/The New York Times

As Mr. Obama took over, Mr. Cheney broke with a longstanding practice of becoming inconspicuous after leaving office. He contended that the new president was endangering the country by planning to close the detention camp at Guantánamo Bay in Cuba, suspending military trials for terrorism suspects and prohibiting interrogation techniques like waterboarding.

In a blitz of television appearances and speeches, Mr. Cheney soon emerged as the leading Republican critic of the new administration. No one envisioned that he would run again for elective office, but with his tenacity and insider’s knowledge of government and politics, he seemed to be mounting more than a rear-guard defense of Bush policies; rather, the aim, it appeared, was to influence the continuing national security debate as well as his own legacy. By then, he had joined a parade of Bush associates working on memoirs.

His book “In My Time: A Personal and Political Memoir” (2011, with Liz Cheney) expressed few regrets over the most controversial decisions of the Bush administration. While defending its actions, the book sidestepped many important questions in discussing the debates that had ensued over its policies, some reviewers said.

By 2014, five years after leaving the White House, Mr. Cheney’s command of public attention seemed undiminished. Far from fading into the background of history, he thrust himself into national debates with an onslaught of more broadcasts and published commentaries assailing Mr. Obama’s responses to Islamic militants in Iraq and Syria. He also went to Capitol Hill to urge Republicans to reject a rising isolationism in their party and embrace strong military and foreign policies.

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And when the Senate Intelligence Committee accused the C.I.A. of torturing terrorism suspects during the Bush years, Mr. Cheney rose to defend the agency, arguing that its interrogations had been legally authorized and “absolutely, totally justified.” He roundly dismissed allegations that the C.I.A. had misled the White House about its methods or inflated the value of the information obtained from prisoners.

Several years before Mr. Bush and Mr. Cheney left office, evidence that there had been no weapons of mass destruction in Iraq was overwhelming, and even Mr. Cheney abandoned the claim. But debate over the administration’s justification for waging war never went away, with the focus turning to the vice president’s office in the fall of 2005, when Mr. Cheney’s chief of staff, I. Lewis Libby Jr., was indicted on charges of perjury and obstruction of justice.

The charges were filed by a special prosecutor investigating the illegal disclosure of the identity of a covert C.I.A. operative, Valerie Plame Wilson, whose husband, Joseph C. Wilson IV, a former diplomat, had gone to Niger to investigate a report that Iraq had bought weapons-grade uranium there in 1999. Mr. Wilson had found no evidence to support the story and had written an opinion article for The New York Times undermining the administration’s rationale for invading Iraq.

The significance of the case lay not in the disclosure of an agent’s identity, but in what seemed to lay behind it: a plan orchestrated by the White House to discredit Mr. Wilson after his article was published by portraying his trip as a boondoggle that had been set up by his wife.

Mr. Libby, who resigned, was not accused of leaking Ms. Wilson’s name but of lying to a grand jury and federal agents when he told them that he had learned her identity from a reporter. The indictment said he had actually learned it from administration officials. It cited Mr. Cheney in three passages and, while it did not accuse him of wrongdoing, strongly suggested that he had been behind the campaign to discredit Mr. Wilson.

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At Mr. Libby’s trial in early 2007, his lawyers argued that he had not lied, but had only misspoken. Neither Mr. Libby nor Mr. Cheney testified. But prosecution witnesses swore that Mr. Libby had learned of Ms. Wilson’s identity from officials, and he was found guilty, becoming the highest-ranking White House official convicted of a felony since the Iran-contra scandals of the 1980s.

Mr. Libby was sentenced to 30 months in prison, a $250,000 fine and two years’ probation. Mr. Bush commuted the prison term but did not grant a pardon, leaving the fine and probation in place. The president portrayed the commutation as a compromise, but his action reignited passions in the case. Critics called it a subversion of justice to keep Mr. Libby from disclosing White House war planning. Mr. Libby’s supporters said his resignation and humiliation had been punishment enough.

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Mr. Cheney sitting with Mr. Bush who is slightly out of focus in the foreground at right.
In a memoir, Mr. Bush wrote that Mr. Cheney had offered to withdraw from the ticket for the 2004 presidential election, having become “the Darth Vader of the administration.”Credit...Doug Mills/The New York Times

The case had a corrosive effect on Mr. Cheney’s political stature, creating a rift between the president and the vice president, which both acknowledged after leaving office, though the White House initially denied it, saying Mr. Cheney was still Mr. Bush’s closest adviser. But even then, some Republican aides acknowledged that the president had been upset, and that Mr. Cheney had become less of an avuncular mentor to him.

Mr. Bush, in his memoir, said Mr. Cheney had lashed out at him in their final days in office for his refusal to grant Mr. Libby a presidential pardon. “I can’t believe you’re going to leave a soldier on the battlefield,” Mr. Cheney told him heatedly, according to Mr. Bush. The former president wrote: “The comment stung. In eight years, I had never seen Dick like this, or even close to this.”

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In 2018, President Trump granted a full pardon to Mr. Libby. “I don’t know Mr. Libby,” Mr. Trump said, “but for years I have heard that he has been treated unfairly.” The pardon amounted to a dramatic coda to a case that had once gripped Washington and came to embody divisions over the Iraq war.

Mr. Cheney issued a public statement thanking Mr. Trump for the pardon, but it was a rare grace note in an otherwise rocky relationship with the president. Months after the pardon, Mr. Cheney, visiting Mexico, said Mr. Trump had been “wrong” during his presidential campaign to say that Mexican immigrants were “bringing drugs, they’re bringing crime, they’re rapists.”

In another slap at candidate Trump, Mr. Cheney spoke out against his proposal to ban Muslims from entering the United States. “I think this whole notion that somehow we can just say no more Muslims, just ban a whole religion, goes against everything we stand for and believe in,” Mr. Cheney said.

And in 2019, Mr. Cheney, in an off-the-record exchange with Vice President Mike Pence at an American Enterprise Institute forum, complained of Mr. Trump’s use of Twitter diplomacy, which was often done without consulting aides or the intelligence community. Mr. Cheney warned that the United States was “getting into a situation when our friends and allies around the world that we depend upon are going to lack confidence in us.”

Donald Trump Jr., a close adviser to his father, hit back. “Isn’t it fitting,” he said, “that Cheney is the one mad that Trump is ending his reckless and endless wars? I never knew peace could be so unpopular.”

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Mr. Cheney standing at a distance from Mr. Bush who stands at a lectern.
Mr. Cheney, at left, listened to Mr. Bush during a news conference in the Rose Garden at the White House in April 2007. The vice president’s influence declined during the president’s second term. Credit...Stephen Crowley/The New York Times

In the first term of Bush-Cheney, their days often began together in the Oval Office with a review of the agenda. Mr. Cheney was there when Mr. Bush saw cabinet officials, took policy briefings and met foreign leaders. But in the second term, Mr. Cheney increasingly lost influence to Condoleezza Rice, the secretary of state, and Stephen J. Hadley, the national security adviser.

Mr. Cheney had lost allies. Mr. Rumsfeld and Mr. Libby were gone, and others had resigned: Paul D. Wolfowitz, the deputy defense secretary, and Douglas J. Feith, the under secretary of defense. Mr. Cheney was virtually the last of the inner circle.

Mr. Bush had also grown less reliant on him. On Capitol Hill, where he had easily had his way in the first term, Mr. Cheney faced strained relationships, even with old allies. In retrospect, White House aides said, the vice president’s power appeared to have peaked in 2003 and 2004.

But he was still the point man on national security in his second term. He defended the handling of prisoners at Guantánamo Bay, dismissing reports that detainees, who were held for years without charges or trials, had been tortured or abused. He said they were well fed, well treated and “living in the tropics,” adding, “They’ve got everything they could possibly want.”

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After The Times disclosed in December 2005 that Mr. Bush had for years authorized the National Security Agency to eavesdrop without warrants on Americans and others in the United States, the Justice Department investigated what it called a leak of classified information. Mr. Cheney said The Times had jeopardized national security.

In Congress, Mr. Cheney defended domestic spying against charges that it might be unconstitutional and in violation of the 1978 Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act, which governs intelligence gathering in the United States. Not only was it legal, but it had also worked, Mr. Cheney contended, noting that there had been no terrorist attacks in America since 2001.

Over Mr. Cheney’s objections, the Senate adopted a proposal by Mr. McCain, once a prisoner of war in Vietnam, to ban “cruel, inhuman and degrading” treatment of detainees. Outrage over Abu Ghraib, the Iraqi prison where naked prisoners had been photographed stacked in human pyramids and cowering before dogs, and reports of other abuses had led to bipartisan pressure for the ban.

In June 2006, the U.S. Supreme Court handed the administration another setback, ruling that it had violated the Geneva Conventions and American law by creating military commissions to try terrorism suspects at Guantánamo Bay without judicial process. The court said Congress had not authorized such tribunals. Critics of the Bush-Cheney drive to expand presidential powers hailed the ruling.

But within months, Congress, still controlled by Republicans, gave the administration a comeback victory, passing legislation shaped by Mr. Cheney that authorized the military commissions, renewed Mr. Bush’s power to designate detainees “unlawful enemy combatants” and allowed the government to imprison, interrogate and try them without judicial review indefinitely.

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Mr. Cheney was candid about his efforts to strengthen the powers of the presidency, which he said had been unduly eroded by Congress in the years after the Vietnam War and the Watergate scandal that drove Richard M. Nixon out of the White House. The age of terrorism warranted broad executive powers, he told reporters aboard Air Force Two on a trip to the Iraq war zone in 2005.

“I believe in a strong, robust executive authority, and I think that the world we live in demands it,” Mr. Cheney said. “I do believe that especially in the day and age we live in, the nature of the threats we face, the president of the United States needs to have his constitutional powers unimpaired, if you will, in terms of the conduct of national security.”

Mr. Bush’s decision to invade Iraq was the paradigm of Mr. Cheney’s foreign policy influence, as his aggressive stance prevailed over the protracted caution of Mr. Bush’s first secretary of state, Colin L. Powell. In the spring of 2002, a year before the war, Mr. Cheney went to Britain and the Middle East to enlist allies. He did not secure Arab support, but Britain became America’s closest ally.

And it was Mr. Cheney, in a speech to the Veterans of Foreign Wars National Convention in Nashville on Aug. 26, 2002, who enunciated the rationale for war. Citing unnamed intelligence sources, he said Iraq already had biological and chemical weapons and would “fairly soon” have nuclear weapons.

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Mr. Cheney holds a yellow folder as he stands onstage beside a veterans’ group official.
Mr. Cheney with Jim Goldsmith, commander in chief of the Veterans of Foreign Wars, in 2002. In a speech laying out the rationale for war with Iraq, Mr. Cheney said that Iraq already had biological and chemical weapons and would “fairly soon” have nuclear weapons.Credit...Mark Humphrey/Associated Press

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“Simply stated, there is no doubt that Saddam Hussein now has weapons of mass destruction,” Mr. Cheney said. “There is no doubt he is amassing them to use against our friends, against our allies and against us.”

White House officials said Mr. Cheney had mirrored Mr. Bush’s views. The talk alarmed America’s allies, but it laid the groundwork for the invasion seven months later.

Mr. Cheney was portrayed in Mr. Bush’s memoir as a steamrollering force for military intervention in Iraq. He wrote that his vice president “had gotten out in front of my position” in his Nashville speech, when he simply dismissed the prospect of further weapons inspections.

Mr. Cheney, who traveled to more than 30 countries to promote the administration’s policies, also adopted hard lines against Iran and North Korea, whose nuclear ambitions prompted Mr. Bush early in his presidency to label them, along with Iraq, as an “axis of evil.” But in his last year in office, Mr. Bush made concessions to Iran and North Korea, siding with Ms. Rice, not Mr. Cheney, resolving the administration’s internal tugs of war but not the nuclear perils.

In 2006, North Korea tested a nuclear weapon, but in 2007 it agreed to disable its nuclear facilities in exchange for $400 million in fuel oil and aid from South Korea, China and the United States. Ms. Rice finessed the deal, circumventing Mr. Cheney, who, after years of shunning Pyongyang, said it amounted to rewarding a miscreant.

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North Korea began dismantling its reactor, but amid disagreements over inspections, the deal seemed about to collapse until Mr. Bush, late in 2008, removed Pyongyang from a blacklist of state sponsors of terrorism in exchange for inspections “based on mutual consent” to verify a nuclear shutdown. Critics voiced doubts that the arrangement would work, and it didn’t. North Korea remained a nuclear peril.

Iran said its uranium-enrichment program had peaceful aims. A 2007 National Intelligence Estimate said that Tehran had halted its nuclear weapons program in 2003 but that it had continued to enrich uranium. International sanctions and warnings of military action reflected widespread skepticism over Iran’s intentions. The Bush administration finally agreed to talks, but there were no breakthroughs, and North Korea did go on to successfully develop nuclear weapons.

On domestic matters, Mr. Cheney was a strong advocate for Mr. Bush’s Supreme Court nominees: John G. Roberts Jr., as chief justice in 2005, and Samuel A. Alito Jr. in 2006 (though Mr. Cheney had originally urged the president to pick the federal judge J. Michael Luttig rather than Mr. Roberts). Steve Schmidt, a senior Cheney adviser, rode herd on the Senate confirmations, and the court moved further toward the conservative end of the political spectrum.

Mr. Cheney was also a forceful exponent of Mr. Bush’s economic plans and tax cuts, which favored businesses and the wealthy, and he pushed energy and environmental policies that opened federal lands to oil, gas and mining exploitation.

On Capitol Hill, especially in the first term, Mr. Cheney was the administration’s chief ambassador and enforcer. Republican lawmakers and even many Democrats regarded him as Mr. Bush’s surrogate and a member of their club, a wily horse-trader who knew the game, the odds and all of the players. He often played a critical role, forging compromises and, as president of the Senate, sometimes casting deciding votes.

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Mr. Cheney’s views on taxes were, in a historical way, quite radical. He favored a flat tax or a national sales tax to replace progressive income taxes that had put the heaviest burdens on the rich since President Woodrow Wilson’s time. No such taxes were adopted.

But the administration, arguing that taxation stifles investment, won cuts to income and estate taxes in 2001 and to capital gains and dividends taxes in 2003 — a total of $1.7 trillion that signaled breaks with the New Deal of President Franklin D. Roosevelt and the Great Society of President Lyndon B. Johnson, the bases of domestic policy for generations.

To conservatives like Mr. Cheney, the tax cuts were crucial to an agenda for shaping America’s future. Most were set to expire in later years (“sunset” provisions let supporters claim they cost less). But they were conceived of as “permanent” — renewable by future Congresses, stimulating the economy for years to come and forcing deficit-ridden administrations to pare the government’s role in health, education, welfare and other social programs.

The tax cuts, along with soaring war costs and other spending as well as temporary economic downturns, swung the budget from a projected $5.6 trillion surplus over 10 years to deficits that some economists put at $5 trillion to $9 trillion over a decade.

By many measures, the economy was relatively healthy in most of the Bush-Cheney years, growing about 3 percent a year, with low inflation and millions of new jobs. The administration credited its tax cuts for the performance, but many analysts said a housing boom and other factors were more important. As conservatives had been for decades, Mr. Bush and Mr. Cheney were proponents of free markets and the deregulation of business and financial institutions.

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In that environment, housing prices soared to unrealistic levels, and mountains of risky mortgages were written and sold in lucrative packages. Many of the packages were interconnected through an obscure kind of debt insurance that spread the obligations across the financial community and around the world. A giant financial bubble grew as subtly as a cancer.

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Traders on the floor of the New York Stock Exchange in 2008.
Mr. Bush and Mr. Cheney were proponents of free markets and the deregulation of business and financial institutions.Credit...Spencer Platt/Getty Images

Then, in 2007 and 2008, the economy fell into a swoon, dragged down by subprime mortgage defaults, a sharp decline in housing prices and a wide erosion of credit and consumer confidence. Congress passed taxpayer rebates to stimulate the economy, but they were not nearly enough. Banks and brokerages failed. As credit markets collapsed and America drifted into recession, Congress enacted a $700 billion rescue package proposed by the Bush administration to buy troubled securities.

But panic spread around the world in the worst financial calamity since the Great Depression. For an administration that had prided itself in fostering a robust economy, the collapse represented an enormous failure. Critics said Republican deregulation, anti-tax and free-market policies were responsible. But Mr. Bush and Mr. Cheney accepted no blame.

Another controversy swirled around Mr. Cheney over national energy policy. After taking office in 2001, he quietly assembled a task force that developed energy proposals for the administration. Democrats maintained that oil companies and lobbyists had been allowed to write America’s energy policies, and a lawsuit was filed to pry open the records. A federal judge authorized a look. But Mr. Cheney, who refused to identify those consulted, argued in an appeal to the Supreme Court that the judicial inquiry into affairs of the executive branch violated the Constitution’s separation of powers clause.

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When it was reported that Justice Antonin Scalia had gone hunting with Mr. Cheney while the case was pending, there were calls for the justice to recuse himself. He declined. With his assent, Justice Scalia joined a comfortable majority in sending the case back to a lower court, which sided with Mr. Cheney in saying that the administration was not obligated to identify its consultants. A list of them was leaked to the news media in 2007; virtually all the major oil and energy companies, many of them contributors to the Bush-Cheney campaigns, were on it.

The task-force case reinforced the aura of secrecy and inscrutability around the vice president, whose character was endlessly debated. Democrats portrayed Mr. Cheney, the former chief executive of the oil services and engineering company Halliburton, as one of the most polarizing figures in politics, a manipulator who personified militarism, corporate corruption, government secrecy and environmental degradation.

But to Republicans who idolized him, Mr. Cheney was a fundamentalist’s rock star — a cultural and political icon, the lifeblood of the conservative movement and the president’s firm right hand. To the faithful, he was also, like Mr. Bush, a man of God.

The truth lay somewhere in between and was more complex, according to White House associates, lawmakers and others familiar with Mr. Cheney’s activities, many of which were carried out behind the scenes. Only participants in those activities got glimpses of the nuances and the leverage at work.

Mr. Cheney was a quick study and a good listener, aides said, absorbing large volumes of information for use in policy decisions. He steeped himself in briefings and literature about anthrax, smallpox, the Ebola virus and other chemical and biological agents, and then helped draft a program to combat biological terrorism.

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He was not a powerful campaigner. An overweight, laconic and rather wooden grandfatherly figure with a nimbus of white hair and eyeglasses that caught the light, Mr. Cheney looked like a man on his way to the dentist. He was affable, but had no flair on the stump. He did not kiss babies or wade into crowds.

He preferred informality — a mixer to a reception line, a round table to a lectern. His voice was a low-key monotone, and his unwinding reel of facts and figures struck voters as authoritative but uninspiring. He made scores of campaign appearances in 2000 and 2004, but many were fund-raisers for wealthy contributors and speeches to Republican audiences.

His troubled medical history virtually ruled out a future run for the presidency. Mr. Cheney, who discussed his cardiac problems in “Heart: An American Medical Odyssey,” a 2013 book written with Dr. Jonathan S. Reiner, his cardiologist, took medications to lower his blood pressure and cholesterol, and aspirin to prevent blood clots. He watched his diet, rode a stationary bike daily and had frequent medical checkups. In 2005, doctors repaired aneurysms in arteries behind both knees, and in 2007 they treated him for a blood clot in his left leg after he spent 65 hours in nine days traveling by plane. In 2007 and again in 2008, he was treated with electric shocks for an irregular heartbeat.

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Mr. Cheney and Mr. Bush wave to supporters at the Republican Convention at Madison Square Garden in New York in 2004.
As Mr. Bush’s most trusted and valued counselor, Mr. Cheney foraged at will over fields of international and domestic policy. Credit...Doug Mills/The New York Times

But all that meant he did not have to shoulder the handicap of earlier vice presidents, including Al Gore, George H.W. BushWalter F. Mondale and Nixon, who had found it necessary to play two subtly conflicting roles — promoting a president and his programs while trying to burnish his own image for a presidential race later. Mr. Cheney had only President Bush to worry about.

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And the vice presidency suited him well. He counseled Mr. Bush with the assurance that his advice was valued, took up policy questions as he saw the need, marshaled facts and arguments free of pressure to justify his actions to voters, and insulated himself from attacks by ignoring them.

He did not respond to many questions about his work at Texas-based Halliburton, from 1995 to 2000, when he was paid more than $40 million. But he denied pulling strings for the company to win lucrative contracts for supplying troops in the Middle East and rebuilding Iraq after the invasion.

After decades in the capital, much about his personal life remained obscure to the public. He even kept secret the names of people who visited his official residence on the grounds of the Naval Observatory in Washington.

The Cheneys vacationed often at their mountain home in a gated community in Jackson and in 2005 bought a $2.6 million waterfront residence on nine acres in St. Michaels, Md., on the Eastern Shore of Chesapeake Bay, near the weekend home of his old friend Mr. Rumsfeld. In 2008, the Cheneys built a new primary residence in McLean, in Northern Virginia, to be closer to their daughters and grandchildren.

Mr. Cheney sometimes slipped away to hunt in Pennsylvania or Arkansas. One of his trips, an outing to bag quail in Texas on Feb. 11, 2006, turned into a fiasco. Aiming for a bird, the vice president shot Harry Whittington, a 78-year-old Austin lawyer. The pellet wounds were not fatal, but Mr. Bush got an incomplete report and was annoyed. The White House’s daylong delay in disclosing the news caused an uproar, and Mr. Cheney was silent for four days. He then defended his actions, but the episode exposed some rarely seen tensions between Mr. Bush and Mr. Cheney.

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Mr. Cheney walking from the Eisenhower Executive Office Building to the White House.
In 2006, Mr. Cheney was involved in a hunting accident where he shot Harry Whittington, 78, while hunting in Texas.Credit...Brendan Smialowski/Getty Images

It also provided a glimpse through the cocoon that Mr. Cheney had woven about himself in the White House, where he had a power center of his own, with a small version of the National Security Council, his own domestic policy staff and his own communications personnel — a team, led by David S. Addington, his chief of staff, whose debates and decisions sometimes ran parallel to those of the presidential circle.

Mr. Cheney had regular working lunches with Mr. Bush at the White House and with lawmakers on Capitol Hill, but associates said he almost never spoke — not even off the record to members of his own staff — about those private conversations. For security reasons, he did not travel with Mr. Bush. But he also rarely socialized with the president and was not a regular at Camp David, the presidential retreat in Maryland.

Unlike Mr. Bush, an early-to-bed teetotaler, Mr. Cheney occasionally attended dinner parties with the powerful in Washington, but hosts said indiscretion never crossed his plate. Critics accused him of violating the openness and accountability of public officials in a democracy, but he typically responded with an enigmatic smile and no comment.

His wife, Lynne Cheney, an author, conservative scholar and talk show host, wrote more than a dozen books and many journal articles, lectured at George Washington University and the University of Wyoming, and was chairwoman of the National Endowment for the Humanities from 1986 to 1993.

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Mr. Cheney’s elder daughter, Elizabeth Perry, known as Liz, served in the State Department as deputy assistant secretary for Near Eastern affairs from 2002 to 2003, and as principal deputy assistant secretary for Near Eastern affairs from 2005 to 2006. She worked on her father’s re-election campaign in 2004. In 2013, with her father’s support, she ran for the United States Senate from Wyoming but withdrew from the race in early 2014.

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Mr. Cheney with his daughter Liz Cheney.
After the presidency of President Donald J. Trump, Mr. Cheney and Representative Liz Cheney were engulfed by a parade of Democratic well-wishers, many of whom had once called the former vice president a war criminal.Credit...J. Scott Applewhite/Associated Press

In 2016, Ms. Cheney ran for and won the House seat from Wyoming, which her father had held for a decade, and proved to be popular. She was re-elected in 2018 and 2020 by overwhelming margins. She supported Mr. Trump’s positions on nearly 93 percent of her House votes. But after he refused to accept defeat in his bid for re-election and roused a mob that attacked the Capitol on Jan. 6, 2021, she turned against Mr. Trump, voting in favor of his second impeachment.

Indeed, Ms. Cheney served as vice chair of the House special committee on the events of Jan. 6, and was scathing in her condemnation of Mr. Trump’s role in fomenting the uprising. In retaliation, House Republicans stripped her of her leadership role. Ultimately, voters had the final nay-say, as she lost her House seat in a G.O.P. primary.

On the first anniversary of the insurrection, Mr. Cheney joined his daughter at remembrance events at the Capitol. No Republicans showed up, but Democrats in the House, including the Speaker, Nancy Pelosi, were effervescent.

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After 13 years in retirement and of all-but-unimaginable changes in American life wrought by the rise and fall of President Trump, Mr. Cheney and Liz Cheney were engulfed by a parade of Democratic well-wishers, many of whom had once called the former vice president a war criminal. The Democrats shook Mr. Cheney’s hand, and some embraced Ms. Cheney, who introduced him to her erstwhile colleagues, saying: “This is my father. This is Dad.” It was a stunning moment and an emblem of how much had changed in the Trump era.

Mr. Cheney’s second daughter, Mary Claire Cheney, was her father’s 2004 campaign coordinator. She wrote “Now It’s My Turn: A Daughter’s Chronicle of Political Life” (2006). During Liz Cheney’s Senate campaign in 2013, a feud between the sisters developed after Mary Cheney, a lesbian who married her longtime partner in 2012, criticized Liz Cheney’s opposition to same-sex marriage. (Liz Cheney later said she had been wrong and embraced same-sex marriage.)

Besides his wife and daughters, Mr. Cheney is survived by seven grandchildren.

Richard Bruce Cheney, who used his given name mostly on brass plates and letterheads, was born in Lincoln, Neb., on Jan. 30, 1941, the eldest of three children of Richard Herbert and Marjorie Lorraine (Dickey) Cheney. When Dick was 13, his father, a soil conservation agent for the Department of Agriculture, moved the family to Casper, Wyo., a city of 25,000 on the banks of the North Platte River, steeped in conservatism and surrounded by bleak oil and gas fields.

In the 1950s, Friday nights in Casper meant football games, a dance and a trip to the root beer stand. At Natrona County High School, Dick was captain of the football team and president of his senior class, but not a top student. His yearbook picture shows a beefy teenager with a crew cut and a tight smile. His girlfriend was the homecoming queen, Lynne Vincent, whom he would marry in 1964.

After graduation, he went to Yale, but his grades were poor; he flunked out twice and left after three semesters. He traveled around the West, at one point laying lines for a power company, and was arrested twice for drunken driving before settling down at the University of Wyoming in Laramie, where he earned a bachelor’s degree in 1965 and a master’s in 1966, both in political science. America was at war in Vietnam, but Mr. Cheney never served in the military, winning four deferments as a student and one as a married parent.

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A black and white photo of three men standing in the outdoors at a mic, a hill behind them.
President Gerald Ford introduced his chief of staff, Dick Cheney and chairman of his election committee, Jim Baker, in Vail, Colorado, in August 1976.Credit...Associated Press

He intended to teach, but an internship in the Wyoming Legislature in 1964 whetted his taste for politics. A prizewinning 60-page report he wrote on the legislature propelled him to a 1966 internship in the office of Gov. Warren P. Knowles of Wisconsin, a Republican. In Madison, he also enrolled in a doctoral program at the University of Wisconsin, but never finished.

Instead, he went to work in Washington in 1968 at the office of Representative William A. Steiger, Republican of Wisconsin. Mr. Cheney was 27 and thrived in the cauldron of politics on Capitol Hill. He learned fast, was a deft report writer and impressed Mr. Steiger and other House members, including Mr. Rumsfeld, who at the time represented a district in Illinois.

When President Nixon appointed Mr. Rumsfeld to lead the Office of Economic Opportunity in 1969, Mr. Cheney sent Mr. Rumsfeld a 12-page memorandum on how to run the agency. Struck by his ideas and audacity, Mr. Rumsfeld hired him as his executive assistant and liaison to Congress.

In the 1970s, Mr. Cheney hitched onto Mr. Rumsfeld’s rising star. When Mr. Nixon chose Mr. Rumsfeld to direct the Cost of Living Council in 1971, Mr. Cheney went along as deputy. When President Gerald R. Ford named Mr. Rumsfeld the White House chief of staff in 1974, Mr. Cheney became deputy chief of staff. And when Mr. Ford appointed Mr. Rumsfeld secretary of defense in 1975, Mr. Cheney moved up to become chief of the White House staff — the youngest, at 34, ever to hold the post.

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He also made connections — with the elder George Bush, Mr. Ford’s C.I.A. director, who became a lifelong ally; with Brent Scowcroft, the national security adviser to Mr. Ford and later to Mr. Bush; and with James A. Baker III, President Ford’s 1976 campaign manager and Mr. Bush’s secretary of state.

After Mr. Ford’s defeat in 1976, Mr. Cheney returned to Wyoming, where he loved to hunt, fish, ski and backpack in the Tetons. He worked in banking, but hankered for a return to public life and ran for Congress in 1978. Wyoming, then as now, had only one representative. His first heart attack interrupted his campaign, but his wife stood in for him on the stump, and he won in a landslide.

Entering Congress in 1979, Mr. Cheney was one of a new breed of Western Republicans anticipating the dawn of the Reagan era — bully advocates of smaller government, lower taxes, cuts for everything but the military and a tough revival of anti-communism. In a decade on Capitol Hill, he voted a solid conservative line and was re-elected five times by voters who liked his folksy ways and his record.

Mr. Cheney voted for prayer in public schools, restrictions on abortions and virtually all of President Ronald Reagan’s agenda. He voted against gun controls, AIDS research, organized labor, welfare programs, busing for school desegregation and spending for education. But to many colleagues, he was more than his voting record. He was known as a skilled negotiator, able to work with both parties.

During Mr. Cheney’s tenure, Democrats controlled the House, and many of his votes were cast in losing causes. Moreover, he was not responsible for any major legislation. But he was seen as a leader, and in his final term was chosen as the Republican whip, No. 2 in the party’s hierarchy.

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In March 1989, President George H.W. Bush named Mr. Cheney secretary of defense, and the two men, who sometimes wore cowboy boots with their pinstriped suits (born into wealth in Connecticut, Mr. Bush had made Texas his adopted state), became friends. Mr. Bush relied on him for advice on national security and legislative matters and valued his loyalty and discretion, as his son would years later.

While Mr. Cheney never served in uniform, he helped redefine military policy after the fall of the Berlin Wall and the end of the Cold War. His Pentagon stewardship earned wide respect among commanders, troops and civilian military experts. Mr. Cheney orchestrated a 25 percent reduction in the armed forces in the early 1990s, canceling major weapons systems and closing many military bases.

He also helped resolve several foreign problems for Mr. Bush. He coordinated a 1989 invasion of Panama, whose dictator, Gen. Manuel Noriega, was whisked away to Miami, convicted of racketeering and imprisoned. Mr. Cheney also directed missions in Haiti and Somalia.

But what sealed the bond between the president and Mr. Cheney was the Persian Gulf war. Mr. Bush regarded it as the triumph of his political life. When Iraqi troops occupied Kuwait in August 1990, Mr. Cheney persuaded King Fahd of Saudi Arabia to let America deploy troops to his country, and in 1991 he helped plan and execute the war that ousted the Iraqis.

While Mr. Cheney was overshadowed by two high-profile subordinates — General Powell, then the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and Gen. H. Norman Schwarzkopf, the field commander — Mr. Bush, who had a 90 percent approval rating in some polls after the war, felt most indebted to his defense secretary and awarded him the Presidential Medal of Freedom, the nation’s highest civilian honor.

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When Mr. Bush left office, Mr. Cheney returned to private life for the first time since the 1970s. In 1993 and 1994, he flirted with the idea of entering a presidential race, visiting 47 states to assess his chances. But by 1995, he had decided against it and joined Halliburton, which he helped build over the next five years into the world’s largest oil services company.

In 1999, as George W. Bush assembled a team for a presidential race, Mr. Cheney got involved early, helping him choose foreign policy advisers. In 2000, after Mr. Bush locked up the nomination, he asked Mr. Cheney if he wanted to be considered as a running mate. Mr. Cheney said no, but agreed to help select one. He surveyed a dozen candidates, including Senator McCain and General Powell.

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Mr. Cheney walking between the large columns of the U.S. Treasury building.
Mr. Cheney developed an image as a Machiavellian paterfamilias that, though not fully accurate, was never quite dispelled. Credit...Doug Mills/The New York Times

But it was Mr. Cheney who got the job, his selection undoubtedly influenced by his long association with the Bush family. Mr. Bush, whose only government service had been not quite six years as the governor of Texas, saw in Mr. Cheney much that he lacked: savvy in foreign policy, national security and the intricacies of Washington. Mr. Cheney also lent maturity to the ticket, and seemed especially qualified to serve as president if necessary.

The Democrats, led by their nominee, Vice President Gore, and his running mate, Senator Joseph I. Lieberman of Connecticut, attacked Mr. Cheney’s voting record and his Halliburton ties, but Mr. Cheney deflected the critics and pledged to forfeit $3.9 million in stock options. There were questions about his ability to withstand a punishing campaign, but doctors found him up to the task. He was 59, not especially old for the ticket, and only five years older than Mr. Bush, though he seemed older. By autumn, he was attacking the Democrats with gusto.

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After Election Day, as the contest dissolved into bickering and a recount in Florida, Mr. Cheney assumed the role he would later take on in the White House, consulting on all major decisions. The Supreme Court finally halted the recount, effectively handing the election to Mr. Bush.

Mr. Cheney, who led the Bush transition team and seeded the new government’s upper echelons with many of his political allies, took office as the nation’s 46th vice president on Jan. 20, 2001, and immediately began to redefine the scope of the role.

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Dick Cheney: A Life in Pictures

The former vice president helped shaped the role of the United States around the world.

Dick Cheney, who was vice president under President George W. Bush for two terms, died on Monday aged 84.

Regarded as the most powerful vice president in United States history Mr. Cheney was a consummate Washington insider and an architect of policies of sweeping consequence in an era of war and economic change.

These photos give a glimpse of his life and long career.

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A black-and-white photo shows a suited man in a large leather chair, a smoking cigarette in hand.
Credit...Teresa Zabala/The New York Times

Mr. Cheney became the White House chief of staff under President Gerald R. Ford in 1975, when he was 34, making him the youngest person to hold the post.

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A black-and-white image of Dick Cheney with two men and a woman leaving a building on Capitol Hill.
Credit...George Tames/The New York Times

Mr. Cheney, left, in Washington in 1982, when he was Wyoming’s lone congressman. With him are, from left, Carroll Campbell, Republican of South Carolina; Marge Roukema, Republican of New Jersey and Representative Tom Loeffler, Republican of Texas.

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Dick Cheney at a podium in the White House, with President George H.W. Bush behind him.
Credit...Ron Edmonds/Associated Press

Mr. Cheney was announced as President George H.W. Bush’s secretary of defense at the White House in 1989.

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Dick Cheney stands with a uniformed man on a platform, in front of a large crowd of uniformed members of the U.S. military. Behind them is a war plane.
Credit...Bob Daugherty/Associated Press

Mr. Cheney and Gen. Colin Powell, chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, addressed members of the 354th Tactical Fighter Wing in Saudi Arabia in 1991, a few months after the end of the Persian Gulf war.

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Dick Cheney raises his right arm, his left resting on a large book with gilded pages, held by a young blonde woman.
Credit...Mark Wilson/Newsmakers, via Getty Images

Mr. Cheney, with his daughter Liz, was sworn in as vice president of the United States on Jan. 20, 2001, after he and George W. Bush were elected to the White House.

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Dick Cheney listens as George W. Bush speaks and makes a wide gesture with his arms.
Credit...Eric Draper/The White House, via Associated Press

Mr. Cheney with President Bush in the Presidential Emergency Operations Center in Washington after the terrorist attacks on Sept. 11, 2001, in a photograph released by the White House.

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A contemplative-looking Dick Cheney at a table, sitting across from George W. Bush.
Credit...Brooks Kraft/Corbis, via Getty Images

Mr. Cheney in 2002, during a meeting held by President Bush on federal judicial nominations with members of Congress at the White House.

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Dick Cheney in the center of a group of uniformed men and women, holding a blade angled into a cake with military scenes.
Credit...Doug Mills/The New York Times

Mr. Cheney, center, and Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld, fourth from left, using a sword to cut a cake for the U.S. Army’s 228th birthday during a ceremony at the Pentagon.

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Dick Cheney sits on a tall stool in front of a group of people, his wife standing next to him. A velvet rope separates him from an applauding crowd.
Credit...Carolyn Kaster/Associated Press

Lynne Cheney, Mr. Cheney’s wife, introduced him at a campaign stop in Cornwall, Pa., ahead of the presidential election in 2004.

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Credit...Doug Mills/The New York Times

Mr. Cheney and Mr. Bush celebrated their re-election at the Ronald Reagan Building in Washington on Nov. 3, 2004.

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Dick Cheney, wearing orange hunting gear, aims a rifle toward the sky in a cornfield.
Credit...David Bohrer/The White House, via Reuters

Mr. Cheney hunting pheasants in South Dakota in 2002. In 2006, he accidentally shot Harry Whittington, a 78-year-old lawyer, while hunting in Texas.

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Dick Cheney and George W. Bush striding across a lawn in front of the White House.
Credit...Doug Mills/ The New York Times

Mr. Cheney and Mr. Bush arriving to sign a major tax bill in 2006 at the White House.

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A relaxed-looking Dick Cheney next to President Bush, both sitting with their hands in their laps.
Credit...Doug Mills/The New York Times

Mr. Cheney with Mr. Bush at the Pentagon in 2006 for the swearing-in of Robert Gates, who replaced Mr. Rumsfeld as secretary of defense.

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Dick Cheney, standing far from President George W. Bush, who is standing at a lectern surrounded by greenery.
Credit...Stephen Crowley/The New York Times

Mr. Cheney watched as President Bush gave a news conference in the White House Rose Garden in April 2007, a month after I. Lewis Libby Jr., Mr. Cheney’s former chief of staff, was convicted of lying during a C.I.A. leak investigation.

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Dick Cheney standing between two other suited men in front of microphones in a domed room on Capital Hill.
Credit...Doug Mills/The New York Times

Mr. Cheney with Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell, left, and Trent Lott, right, the Republican whip in the Senate, on Capitol Hill in 2007 as he made remarks about a bill to fund the Iraq war.

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Dick Cheney walking between two rows of granite Ionic columns.
Credit...Doug Mills/The New York Times

Mr. Cheney at the Department of the Treasury in 2007.

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George W. Bush, Laura Bush, Dick Cheney and Lynn Cheney standing beside a crowd of people on the lawn at the White House.
Credit...Doug Mills/The New York Times

Mr. Cheney and Mrs. Cheney with President Bush and Laura Bush, the first lady, at the White House in 2008 during a moment of silence to mark the anniversary of the Sept. 11 terrorist attacks.

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A close-up photograph of Dick Cheney speaking into a microphone.
Credit...Doug Mills/The New York Times

Mr. Cheney in 2014, after leaving office, during a discussion U.S. foreign policy at The American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research. He was an outspoken critic of the Obama Administration.

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Dick Cheney with his daughter Liz Cheney, a woman with blonde hair, glasses and a red jacket, sitting on benches surrounded by others.
Credit...J. Scott Applewhite/Associated Press

Mr. Cheney with Liz Cheney in 2017, after her election to Congress.

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A white bust of Mr. Cheney sits on a platform next to a window with a view of the Washington Monument.
Credit...Jason Andrew for The New York Times

A bust of Mr. Cheney in the Capitol in January.


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